Canada's Conservative Party votes to support same-sex marriage

At their national convention on Saturday, delegates for the Conservative Party of Canada – which was unceremoniously tossed out of office in last October's federal election by a majority win going to Justin Trudeau and his Liberal Party – voted by a 69-to-31% margin in favor of same-sex marriage.

The vote, along with others that include a movement toward the legalization of marijuana, takes the party even farther to the political left, making it effectively indistinguishable on most issues from the Liberal Party.

Notable members in leadership positions throughout the party even went so far as to adopt the famous slogan from former Liberal prime minister Pierre Trudeau: "there's no place for the state in the bedrooms of the nation."  Jason Kenney, who once served as executive assistant for the Liberal Party's Ralph Goodale, was strongly in favor of the same-sex marriage motion.

Some Conservative Party members of parliament remained opposed to the motion, such as Saskatchewan's Brad Trost, who indicated that "[i]f we as a party start to waffle on this, that line in the sand moves very sharply and becomes much more difficult."

Trost was correct in this assessment; ignoring such advice is why his party lost the recent election.  Former prime minister Stephen Harper – whose marriage itself was imputed to be in trouble by former prime minister Brian Mulroney's chief of staff, and whose wife is apparently "an ambassador for a controversial pro-homosexual organization" – took the party far to the left on social issues in the period before the election, leading many otherwise social conservative-leaning voters to choose the Liberal Party.

Consequently, Trost is probably wrong when he goes on to claim that doesn't "think social conservatives will leave the party."  Actually, most social conservatives have already left the party – if not in terms of formal membership, then certainly with regard to their voting choice, choosing to sit on the sidelines during elections or holding their nose on many social and fiscal issues and voting Liberal instead.

The other high-profile member of parliament to oppose the same-sex marriage policy was Ted Falk, who accurately assessed the situation in noting that the policy was "not about inclusiveness," but rather an "attack on our values and principles."

Although polls show that a majority of Canadians support same-sex marriage, the latest motion will only further alienate more traditional conservatives from the Conservative Party.  And this is the segment of the voting public the party can least afford to lose.

The latest polling averages show the party at only 28% in the polls and declining, down from 32% at election time, showing that the past six months of "transformative" feminist/libertarian activist leadership under interim leader Rona Ambrose – who, while also apparently on her second marriage, is merely duplicating Justin Trudeau's social policies – is not improving the party's electability among the general public.

With the leftward shift, the Conservative Party has ensured that the Liberals – whose post-election support now sits near the 50% level, or almost double that of the Conservatives – will almost certainly remain in power for the foreseeable future, which can be translated as a further decade at the minimum, unless the radical policy choices can be reversed.  Given that the top-line leadership of the party has been taken over by CINOs (conservatives in name only), salvation is unlikely.

The Conservative Party's linkages to homosexuality led Matthew Hays from VICE Canada to pen a barn-burner of an article in mid-2013 entitled "Is Canada Run by a Gay Mafia?"  Hays's piece offers so many insights that true conservatives need to be aware of that an extended quote is in order:

Canada's Conservative government appears to be run by a queer mafia that rivals the Vatican. The best part is, the press corps in Ottawa is itching to report on the gay shenanigans of Prime Minister Stephen Harper's cabinet, which seems about as straight as an episode of Glee.

First up is the most obvious: John Baird. As I wrote about in the Canadian gay mag Xtra, Baird lives in a glass closet. He was first outed by another Conservative on a radio show, who remarked on his sexuality so matter-of-factly she didn't even realize he was still in said transparent closet. Baird recently got busted for using government properties to hang out with friends during his vacations in both London and New York. And some wondered who his "handful of friends" were and what they were up to in lavish, luxurious locations ...

Witness the national news magazine Maclean's, which has marveled at the number of "single white males" who populate Harper's inner circle. Indeed, writing about the current Canadian government requires employing more euphemisms than an Ed Koch obituary. Maclean's columnist Paul Wells points to several bachelors – among them Baird, Jason Kenney, the recently married and ostensibly heterosexual James Moore, and Nigel Wright – who have been very committed team players. "All four are bachelors, which means only that they can devote truly extraordinary amounts of time to their roles." Roleplaying, eh? Even reading an estimation of their commitment sounds kinky! Wells also suggests that getting ahead in Harper's Ottawa is helped with "infinite flexibility and a bottomless appetite," which sounds suspiciously like a contortionist's Grindr ad.

It must be noted that Wright recently resigned due to the senate scandal. A reporter desperate to catch up with him to pose a few questions camped out to catch Wright on his morning jog – at five in the morning. Hard to believe someone prances around a downtown street in tight track pants before sunrise just for the exercise.

Then there's Canada's first lady, Laureen Harper, seen at the Prime Minister's side, often apparently quite begrudgingly, through various public events. Spreading irresponsible innuendo and hearsay is not proper reportage, nor is it gentlemanly, so we won't go there. But it's important to note what Laureen Harper's nickname is on capital hill: The L Word.

What remains as the only viable option is to undo the amalgamation of the "Progressive Conservative" and "Reform" wings, for the true conservative "Reform" faction to then merge with what little remains of the Christian Heritage Party and its support base, and subsequently advocate in favor of electoral reforms towards proportional representation to ensure a modestly strong conservative voice – albeit a minority – in parliament over time.  Within the current arrangement, which on its face may appear preferable to some, social conservatives will remain outnumbered and marginalized, thereby effectively shut out from key party operations and likely prevented from receiving party nominations in electoral ridings.

In short, the current marriage of convenience between fiscally conservative libertarians and social conservatives, in reality, offers less of an opportunity for the latter group to effect influence in Canadian politics than if the social conservatives split off and went their own way within a more representative electoral system.

At their national convention on Saturday, delegates for the Conservative Party of Canada – which was unceremoniously tossed out of office in last October's federal election by a majority win going to Justin Trudeau and his Liberal Party – voted by a 69-to-31% margin in favor of same-sex marriage.

The vote, along with others that include a movement toward the legalization of marijuana, takes the party even farther to the political left, making it effectively indistinguishable on most issues from the Liberal Party.

Notable members in leadership positions throughout the party even went so far as to adopt the famous slogan from former Liberal prime minister Pierre Trudeau: "there's no place for the state in the bedrooms of the nation."  Jason Kenney, who once served as executive assistant for the Liberal Party's Ralph Goodale, was strongly in favor of the same-sex marriage motion.

Some Conservative Party members of parliament remained opposed to the motion, such as Saskatchewan's Brad Trost, who indicated that "[i]f we as a party start to waffle on this, that line in the sand moves very sharply and becomes much more difficult."

Trost was correct in this assessment; ignoring such advice is why his party lost the recent election.  Former prime minister Stephen Harper – whose marriage itself was imputed to be in trouble by former prime minister Brian Mulroney's chief of staff, and whose wife is apparently "an ambassador for a controversial pro-homosexual organization" – took the party far to the left on social issues in the period before the election, leading many otherwise social conservative-leaning voters to choose the Liberal Party.

Consequently, Trost is probably wrong when he goes on to claim that doesn't "think social conservatives will leave the party."  Actually, most social conservatives have already left the party – if not in terms of formal membership, then certainly with regard to their voting choice, choosing to sit on the sidelines during elections or holding their nose on many social and fiscal issues and voting Liberal instead.

The other high-profile member of parliament to oppose the same-sex marriage policy was Ted Falk, who accurately assessed the situation in noting that the policy was "not about inclusiveness," but rather an "attack on our values and principles."

Although polls show that a majority of Canadians support same-sex marriage, the latest motion will only further alienate more traditional conservatives from the Conservative Party.  And this is the segment of the voting public the party can least afford to lose.

The latest polling averages show the party at only 28% in the polls and declining, down from 32% at election time, showing that the past six months of "transformative" feminist/libertarian activist leadership under interim leader Rona Ambrose – who, while also apparently on her second marriage, is merely duplicating Justin Trudeau's social policies – is not improving the party's electability among the general public.

With the leftward shift, the Conservative Party has ensured that the Liberals – whose post-election support now sits near the 50% level, or almost double that of the Conservatives – will almost certainly remain in power for the foreseeable future, which can be translated as a further decade at the minimum, unless the radical policy choices can be reversed.  Given that the top-line leadership of the party has been taken over by CINOs (conservatives in name only), salvation is unlikely.

The Conservative Party's linkages to homosexuality led Matthew Hays from VICE Canada to pen a barn-burner of an article in mid-2013 entitled "Is Canada Run by a Gay Mafia?"  Hays's piece offers so many insights that true conservatives need to be aware of that an extended quote is in order:

Canada's Conservative government appears to be run by a queer mafia that rivals the Vatican. The best part is, the press corps in Ottawa is itching to report on the gay shenanigans of Prime Minister Stephen Harper's cabinet, which seems about as straight as an episode of Glee.

First up is the most obvious: John Baird. As I wrote about in the Canadian gay mag Xtra, Baird lives in a glass closet. He was first outed by another Conservative on a radio show, who remarked on his sexuality so matter-of-factly she didn't even realize he was still in said transparent closet. Baird recently got busted for using government properties to hang out with friends during his vacations in both London and New York. And some wondered who his "handful of friends" were and what they were up to in lavish, luxurious locations ...

Witness the national news magazine Maclean's, which has marveled at the number of "single white males" who populate Harper's inner circle. Indeed, writing about the current Canadian government requires employing more euphemisms than an Ed Koch obituary. Maclean's columnist Paul Wells points to several bachelors – among them Baird, Jason Kenney, the recently married and ostensibly heterosexual James Moore, and Nigel Wright – who have been very committed team players. "All four are bachelors, which means only that they can devote truly extraordinary amounts of time to their roles." Roleplaying, eh? Even reading an estimation of their commitment sounds kinky! Wells also suggests that getting ahead in Harper's Ottawa is helped with "infinite flexibility and a bottomless appetite," which sounds suspiciously like a contortionist's Grindr ad.

It must be noted that Wright recently resigned due to the senate scandal. A reporter desperate to catch up with him to pose a few questions camped out to catch Wright on his morning jog – at five in the morning. Hard to believe someone prances around a downtown street in tight track pants before sunrise just for the exercise.

Then there's Canada's first lady, Laureen Harper, seen at the Prime Minister's side, often apparently quite begrudgingly, through various public events. Spreading irresponsible innuendo and hearsay is not proper reportage, nor is it gentlemanly, so we won't go there. But it's important to note what Laureen Harper's nickname is on capital hill: The L Word.

What remains as the only viable option is to undo the amalgamation of the "Progressive Conservative" and "Reform" wings, for the true conservative "Reform" faction to then merge with what little remains of the Christian Heritage Party and its support base, and subsequently advocate in favor of electoral reforms towards proportional representation to ensure a modestly strong conservative voice – albeit a minority – in parliament over time.  Within the current arrangement, which on its face may appear preferable to some, social conservatives will remain outnumbered and marginalized, thereby effectively shut out from key party operations and likely prevented from receiving party nominations in electoral ridings.

In short, the current marriage of convenience between fiscally conservative libertarians and social conservatives, in reality, offers less of an opportunity for the latter group to effect influence in Canadian politics than if the social conservatives split off and went their own way within a more representative electoral system.