Whose Insurrection is it, Anyway?
The progressive front controlling the kill switches for the White House teleprompter and lectern audio are also busy crafting policy up and down Constitution Avenue. With much of their radical legislation sent to the dustbin by a couple of stiff Democrat necks and a surprising Republican unanimity in the Senate, the clock is winding down to a Democrat bloodbath in the 2022 House elections. In a panic, they have doubled down.
The $1.2 trillion bipartisan infrastructure bill is the opening act and Trojan Horse for a budget reconciliation scheme to steal another $3.5 trillion from the taxpayers before the midterms. That sticker price kisses the backsides of climate activists, offers free college, forces a paid family and medical leave program on every employer, and includes universal pre-school that allows critical race educators to get their hands on three- and four-year-olds. Pelosi is back with her famous ObamaCare turn of phrase; to wit, it’ll pass Senate muster by a simple majority before anyone, save its progressive architects, has read a page.
As the COVID-infected global diaspora floods across the southern border with free rides to 48 states, Joe Biden directs his angst at the drip-drip of new vaccinations by Americans. In a diminished state, he may not recollect that he and his running mate sowed public hesitancy by reviling any inoculation developed during the Trump administration. His chief medical advisor, Anthony Fauci, has singlehandedly dragged medical science through the midden of politics, suffering the rest of us with policy whiplash. In what may become an American apartheid, Democrat city leaders and governors appear eager to use the obedient as a cudgel against the recalcitrant by reinstating mask and lockdown diktats. Liberal media coverage and polls are pushing the narrative that the unvaccinated are white, distrustful, less-educated Republicans from the flyover states, a viewpoint that offers catnip to White House puppet masters who see an opportunity to further isolate and stigmatize Trump voters.
Trump impeachment 3.0 is warming up. Bennie Thompson and Eric Swalwell have led the charge with companion lawsuits alleging Trump is an unindicted co-conspirator in the Capitol uprising. Swalwell, an intellectual lightweight, may have had a classified pillow talk with a Chinese honeypot while in flagrante delicto. Somehow the FBI tipped their investigation and missed the getaway of a known femme fatale of the CCP as she blew kisses and took a commercial flight back to China. Evidence of loose lips on Swallwell’s part has long since been bagged and tagged in the basement of the Hoover Building, gathering dust right next to the Hunter Biden laptop. He still sits on the committee given wardship over this nation’s most guarded secrets.
For months now, absent any enunciated threat, the Capitol has been surrounded by more fencing, Jersey barriers, and concertina wire than a Stalag. The pretext for those steel and cement ramparts doesn’t comport with the stubbornness of House leaders and the Pentagon who dragged their feet on giving National Guard support to the Capitol Police on and before January 6. That’s quite odd, as the FBI had passed along actionable intelligence suggesting that a toxic brew of left- and right-wing extremist groups sought to gaslight a peaceful Trump rally to enable acts of political violence.
Fourteen thousand hours of fixed surveillance and police bodycam footage would reveal the level of government infiltration and perhaps involvement in the January 6th melee. The most ominous-looking of the intruders in black bloc outfits, balaclavas, gloves, radio earpieces, and climbing gear who showed up at the Capitol West Front at the same time a pipe bomb was discovered next door at the RNC headquarters, were hell-bent on burgling the Capitol building and pressed a coordinated attack immediately upon their arrival. It appears that no one from that tactically outfitted group has been arrested by the FBI, despite the testimony of credible witnesses and supporting video. Given the aggression of the FBI to hunt down every disorderly person and trespasser who wandered about the marbled halls, their disregard of those responsible for opening the first salvo is baffling unless the ranks of those insurgents included agents provocateur, as seen in other subversive investigations.
With the Capitol in lockdown, Pelosi moved quickly to dash Donald Trump’s resurgent political aspirations with a 9/11-style national commission, hoping to staff it with political hacks, boardroom liberals, and left-leaning military, law enforcement, and intelligence community pensioners. As comandante, she exhumed an old Army general whose offbeat political comments question his ability to distinguish between patriotic Americans and enemy combatants. Her game plan, wrapped into House Resolution 3233, withered away on the docket from a Senate filibuster despite support offered by the usual apostates: Romney, Collins, Murkowski, Portman, Cassidy, and Sasse.
Pinch-hitting for the commission folly is Pelosi’s United States House Select Committee on the January 6 Attack, the alt-show trial of Trump with a familiar cast of characters. The chair of the committee is Bennie Thompson, who quickly removed himself from his Trump lawsuit as if that sleight of hand would assuage anyone believing him inadequate to the task of objectivity.
Three other members are reprising their former roles as impeachment managers. Adam Schiff, if not the least bright, is certainly the best slip-and-fall attorney Pelosi can parade on the committee. With a haute couture of baggy suits set off by homely ties and slack shirt collars, Schiff mastered the skill of chicanery during the Russia hoax and two wild swings at impeachment, chalking up more Pinocchios than a Tuscan woodcarver.
As the son of a former Kennedy Administration staffer and founder of the most progressive think tank that the Beltway has to offer, Jamie Raskin is an old hand at activism and community organizing. A politico radicalized by upbringing, his politics may seem reserved in the boisterous presence of the Squad, but his political campaigns get an endorsement from Sanders’ acolytes.
During Impeachment 2.0, Zoe Lofgren tripped up by admitting that the rush to bring the Democrat case against Trump was due to the impending election. She continues the bidding of the House Speaker by spearheading an administration committee move to reverse the seating of a state-certified Republican congresswoman. Attempts to overturn elections are legitimate only when it benefits Democrats.
Then there’s the RINOs who give the committee its misleading bipartisan character. Liz Cheney, hailing from the bright red, open-carry state of Wyoming, might be said to hold the record for self-inflicted political wounds. At these desperate, final moments in her truncated political life, she has tripped Pelosi’s mousetrap and will use the hearings to immolate herself and the royal reputation of her father to even a family score with Donald Trump
Adam Kinzinger is a well-coifed Air National Guard pilot whose flighty opinions and virulent anti-Trumpism frequently drops ordnance on his fellow Republicans. Politically a minor leaguer, he’s positioned himself as the peck’s bad boy of the GOP in order to save his job from an Illinois redistricting plan, going so far as to market his woke Country First initiative, a slick personal fundraiser dressed up as the great white hope for the salvation of the Republican party. The Left is gushing at the thought, as one might expect any time the opposition seeks to correct itself through rabid infighting.
The first day of the hearing was as predictable as it was partisan. Schiff was bug-eyed and tearful; Kinzinger’s face was near swollen with emotion. A cherry-picked and likely coached handful of bemedaled police officers offered traumatic combat accounts and let slip awkward personal beliefs that tickled the panel’s fancy, suggesting that Congressional Republicans railing against the disparate treatment of those long-imprisoned protesters ought to be thrown out of office and using the word “hitman” as an inference to Trump.
This was the first hearing of a Democrat inquisition claiming to expose a Republican insurrection. Throughout history, inquisitions weren’t righteous. They gave flesh and form to political appetites to cleanse the landscape of all political, religious, or ethnic opposition.
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