At least half the country is bewildered by the incapacity of the Democrat party to get beyond Donald Trump. We fondly remember bygone times when general elections were simply won or lost on Election Day, where the victors trotted off to church to give thanks and light a few candles, and a fair and balanced debate across the aisle settled on the best policies for the nation. Instead, we are treated to a second wasteful impeachment engineered to politically neuter an already cashiered president, a national capital dressed up as an armed camp, and a class system drawn along ideological lines putting the bourgeoisie and aristocracy at each other’s throats.
Before and after Trump’s acquittal, sui generis allegations against the president multiplied like troublesome weeds. Two congressional bills, both in the hopper well before a verdict was announced, continue to keep the former president on the cobbled road to Calvary. House Continued Resolution 6 directs the Capitol Sergeant-at-Arms to ban Trump from ever setting foot inside the Capitol Building. House Resolution 484, ironically titled, The No Glory for Hate Act, is pure Democrat bile intended to cancel all memory and reference to his presidency by preventing any federally-funded building, monument, or property to bear his name, denying him a burial of honor in Arlington National Cemetery, and removing the pension for a president who, by the by, donated all his paychecks to government agencies and other charities while in office.
The 117th Congress was seated on January 3, 2021. Since they convened, over a thousand bills have been put forth, mostly rote administrative and housekeeping tasks setting authorities and roles for a new session. Within that flurry, House Democrats have proffered forty bills, either referred to committee or introduced, with references to Donald Trump. Thirteen of those bills admonish Trump for complicity in the Capitol riots, contain the articles for his impeachment, and set the stage for courtroom theatrics, right down to the installation of furniture, access to the visitor’s gallery, use of the internet, and photography permissions. Two bills, HR21 and HR 38, implored Vice President Mike Pence before the Biden inauguration to invoke the 25th Amendment, convene the Cabinet, declare Trump’s incompetency, and overthrow him. All are partisan Democrat bills, save one, HCR5, a betrayal worthy of a soliloquy by Julius Caesar, joined by a cabal of ten Republican congressmen affirming the election of Joe Biden and censuring and condemning Trump for seeking to overturn the 2020 election.
Democrat legislative efforts to stifle debate, put unruly Republicans back in their seats, or hand them their hats are stiffened with the introduction of HR25, HR28, HR46, and HR83. Resolutions 25 and 28 made it to the floor nine days before Trump left office as kindred bills, seeking censure or removal of any representative refusing to accept the Biden election, blamed the president for the Capitol riot, proposed a commission to investigate its cause, and threatened any Republican representative who may have participated in or facilitated unrest through words or actions. HR46 and HR83 called for the House removal of Alabama Republican congressman Mo Brooks and Georgia Republican representative Marjorie Taylor Greene, respectively, for his remarks at the January 6 Trump rally, her dated online postings, and for echoing allegations of election fraud. A previous resolution, HR82, referred to House Ethics, removes Greene from her two committee assignments. HR103 accuses four House Republicans and U.S. Senator Josh Hawley of supporting sedition by offering rhetorical aid and comfort to the Capitol rioters
To Nancy Pelosi, who pulls the House strings, politics is not hypocrisy if annotated with a (D). Two 2018 bills to censure Maxine Waters for encouraging her constituents to physically confront Trump supporters, have been hung up in House Ethics for three years and are likely to sine die on the vine. Ilhan Omar and Eric Swalwell suffered no consequences to their committee standing after Omar drew bipartisan ire for waxing anti-Semitic in an uncensored 2019 Twitter rant. Omar has since received a committee promotion. Swalwell, for years honeypotted by a Chinese spy, has continued to hear the nation’s secrets and was appointed to the role of House manager in the second impeachment trial.
There is simply no end to these partisan ad hominem attacks on Trump, his family, and anyone in his political orbit. As time goes on, however, this will have less and less to do with Trump and more and more to do with the people that both supported and voted for him in 2020. The Democrat war footing extends way beyond vanquishing their Republican rivals.
Democrats view the MAGA base with disdain and fear, as if 75 million grenades were running in and about the Beltway with their pins pulled out. As a result, they have resorted to a siege mentality that seeks to alarm and intimidate Americans by giving the Capitol and other historical landmarks a post-9/11 look and feel, with thousands of soldiers encircled by more tall fencing, Jersey barriers, barricades, razor wire, and guard posts than is required to safeguard an Army base in Afghanistan. Thousands of personnel, most citizen-soldiers sent to bivouac on hard parking garage floors, munch on battlefield MREs, and forced to undergo FBI loyalty investigations of their political beliefs, continue to be perplexed over their prolonged presence. They patrol the grounds of the People’s House in 12-hour shifts, freezing half to death and armed to the teeth for phantom insurgent attacks.
We have been given far-fetched reasons, to include aspirational internet chatter, as pretext to defend government against its own citizenry. As Congress continues the Capitol lockdown into the foreseeable future and mulls the replacement of National Guard with active military, consider this pledge from page 68 of the 2020 Democratic Platform:
Democrats will never use active duty soldiers as political props, and we will never send military forces to suppress Americans exercising their constitutional rights.
If the Democrats can’t eliminate or brainwash Trump’s electorate, they can certainly marginalize its impact through legislation and executive action. House Joint Resolution 14 proposes the abolishment of the Electoral College and election of a president by popular vote. This bill, first introduced in the 114th Congress a month after Trump’s election, puts the presidency permanently in the hands of Democrat city strongholds and makes flyover country and rural America irrelevant by popular vote. The For the People Act is an assault on federalism, instituting voting practices rife with fraud, to include mail-in ballots in all states, turns a blind’s eye to harvesting, prohibits the purging of voting rolls containing the deceased and those relocated to other states, and establishes a national voter registration.
One of Biden’s first executive orders, EO 13986, reversed Trump’s efforts to exclude illegal aliens from the decennial census. Signed on Inauguration Day, it will impact the submission of the 2020 census count delayed by the pandemic until the end of April, making room for non-citizens to be part of the congressional redistricting formula and concentrating political power in the coastal sanctuary cities and states.
In just a few short weeks, the ruling triumvirate of Biden, Pelosi, and Schumer, have been able to deliver a two-branch legislative broadside on Trump supporters and conservatives by ripping a page out of the COVID playbook. Democrats now know that government control over its populace and the deterioration of individual freedoms can thrive on prolonged fears over viruses. To insulate the game plan, the seat of power is now sheltered inside a military enclave warranted by the online keystrokes of frustrated Americans who are not only locked down in their lives but locked out of their government houses.