"Radicalism is a cause whose utopian agendas result in an ethic where the ends outweigh and ultimately justify any means. Like the Salvationist agendas of jihad, the Left's apocalyptic goal of ‘social justice' is the equivalent of an earthly redemption. A planet saved, a world without poverty, racism, inequality, or war - what means would not be justified to achieve such millennial ends?"
- David Horowitz, former 60s Radical -- Unholy Alliance; p. 127
Saul Alinsky was the father of community organizing. Before Alinsky devised his diabolical plan to bring the international socialist revolution to America -- working within the very liberal and free system upon which the U.S. was founded -- he was an older fellow traveler and advisor to student radicals of the 1960s.
Alinsky was a sort of father figure, to whom many radicals turned in the aftermath of the infamous DNC Convention of 1968 in Chicago. His advice?
"Do one of three things. One, go find a wailing wall and feel sorry for yourselves. Two, go psycho and start bombing -- but this will only swing people to the right. Three, learn a lesson. Go home, organize, build power and at the next convention, you be the delegates." (emphasis in original)
- Saul Alinsky; Rules for Radicals; p. xxiii
Calm down. Forget "burning the system down." Organize. Organize. Organize. Work within the system. Become the delegates.
To further empower his advice to the young militants, Alinsky quoted the radicals' hero, Lenin:
"Power comes out of the barrel of a gun! is an absurd rallying cry when the other side has all the guns. Lenin was a pragmatist; when he returned to what was then Petrograd from exile, he said that the Bolsheviks stood for getting power through the ballot but would reconsider after they got the guns. Militant mouthings? Spouting quotes from Mao, Castro, and Che Guevara, which are as germane to our highly technological, computerized, cybernetic, nuclear-powered, mass media society as a stagecoach on a jet runway at Kennedy airport?"
- Saul Alinsky; Rules for Radicals; p. xxi
At the time, however, some of the young radicals were still too filled with rage to stop burning and bombing. These fiery revolutionaries continued to wreak havoc on college campuses and in American cities. But the end of the Vietnam War brought a welcome sigh of relief to greater America.
It was time for the radicals to change tactics, and follow Alinsky's advice. They remained convinced of their destiny to be the ones to bring the U.S.A. into the fold of the international socialist collective. They began to organize, go to law school, run for public office, whittle away at traditional American institutions, and in all ways prepare for "The One," their closer.
Enter Barack Obama
Obama was raised on the mother's milk of socialism. Both his parents were fellow travelers, who met at the height of the Cold War in a Russian language class at the University of Hawaii. Obama's grandfather was a close friend of Communist Party member Frank Marshall Davis, sending young Barry (as he was then known) to him for mentoring, despite (or in ignorance of ) Davis being a pedophile. From the time he returned from 4 years in Indonesia and rejoined his grandparents in Hawaii at the age of 10, he was taken often to be with Frank Marshall Davis.
In Obama's book, Dreams from My Father, there is a strange revelation, perhaps intended as a signal of Davis' stamp on Obama's socialist creds. Obama makes this odd observation:
"The visits to his (Davis') house always left me feeling vaguely uncomfortable, though, as if I were witnessing some complicated, unspoken transaction between the two men, a transaction I couldn't fully understand."
Dedicating the young Obama to the elder socialist mentor for the collective cause, perhaps? One hopes there were conditions protecting the ten year old from worse than indoctrination, in this "transaction."
Obama did everything Alinsky prescribed. He went to Chicago, home of Alinsky and the place where Davis had worked for the communist revolution. Obama trained at the Industrial Areas Foundation, an Alinsky training institute. He organized in Chicago and did voter registration and training for ACORN. He went to law school. He built political alliances. He kept a tight lock on his records and his past.
As for Judeo/Christian morals. Forget it. Alinsky trained his radicals in the spirit of no-holds-barred methods. In Alinsky's mind, the American power structure was evil to its core and justified any means necessary to change the "world as it is" into the "world as it should be." Both Barack and Michelle Obama include these Alinsky code words in their speeches, and we should not mistake their meaning. No means are out of bounds.
Many of these radical revolutionaries have already bombed and burned. Lying, cheating and stealing are just more par for their revolutionary course.
Alinsky's tenth rule of the ethics of means: "You do what you can with what you have and clothe it with moral garments."
The Same Beast Clad in Moral Garments
As Peter Collier and David Horowitz so clearly described in their book, Destructive Generation, the international collective hasn't changed its objectives. It merely changes tactics to adapt to changing times and national mood.
"Like the slowly metamorphosing monster of a horror film, the Left has actually been recreating itself during its apparent dormancy since the end of the Sixties, succeeding so well that now it has reappeared stronger than ever. If there is a cyclical dynamic at work in this rebirth, it has less to do with the laws of history than with the laws of Leftism, which since 1917 has alternated between styles of militant extremism and ‘popular front' moderation. The current revival will not bring a revolutionary army into the streets, as in the Sixties. It will involve an offensive of ‘progressivism' whose targets are the Democratic Party, the church, the universities, and various liberal institutions."
- Destructive Generation; p. 218
This strategy is straight from the Alinsky handbook: "Tactics, like organization, like life, require that you move with the action." Adapt. Adapt. Adapt. And "let nothing get you off your target."
When one of the surviving inner circle of 60s radicals, Tom Hayden, endorsed the Obama movement last year on the Huffington Post, he signaled to the vast array of socialist political activists, not only in America, but around the world, that Barack Obama is that "One."
"Many ordinary Americans will take a transformative step down the long road to the Rainbow Covenant if Obama wins. For at least a brief moment, people around the world -- from the shantytowns to the sweatshops, even to the restless rich of the Sixties generation -- will look up from the treadmills of their shrunken lives to the possibilities of what life still might be. Environmental justice and global economic hope would dawn as possibilities."
When Barack Obama made his world tour this summer, he introduced himself in Berlin as a "fellow citizen of the world." Americans should make no mistake; he wasn't kidding. As Pope Benedict (writing then as Joseph Cardinal Ratzinger) also warned in his 2003 book, Truth and Tolerance, the international Marxist dream did not die with the fall of the USSR:
"The collapse of realist socialism in the East European states has not quite laid aside all such hopes, and here and there they still subsist, silently awaiting some new form."
Even though the Soviet system fell and its Marxist "utopia" was clearly revealed as the antithesis of the promise to bring liberation and light to the world, the hope lives on and thrives within the heart of Obama and his followers, and the plan is a global one.
The Informal Alliance between Socialists and Islamic Radicals
In his 2004 book, Unholy Alliance, former 60s radical David Horowitz defines the reasons underlying the left's rationale in dealing with the radical Islamic terrorists and their national sponsors. Leftists in the Western world, explains Horowitz, are not bothered by the religious dimension of the Islamic fundamentalists. Secular leftists rationalize this religious pathology, "believing that religion itself is merely an expression of real-world misery, for which capitalist property is ultimately responsible."
According to Horowitz, leftists maintain an unwavering faith in universal rationality that tells them "even people who blow themselves and little children up in the expectation of a place in heaven, and seventy-two virgins besides, must ultimately be inspired by real-world grievances."
Horowitz goes even further and defines the over-arching connection between Islamic fundamentalists and their secular socialist enablers, striking the heart of the matter for both: faith. Underlying both the goal of a worldwide Islamic caliphate and the international socialists' dream are their "common utopian expectations."
Horowitz explains the commonality thusly:
"The Greek scientist Archimedes said, ‘Give me a lever and a place to stand and I will move the world.' This is an archetype of the radical outlook, both secular and religious, which believes it has identified an institution and an agency that will move the world. The radical Islamist believes that by conquering nations and instituting Sharia, he can redeem the world for Allah. The socialist's faith is in using state power and violent means to eliminate private property and thereby usher in the millennium."
Obama's one piece of signature legislation in the Senate is the Global Poverty Act, aimed at curing what socialists deem as the root cause of all violence and war -- poverty. In this belief, Obama has high-powered company. He is joined by a cabal of international socialists, especially his biggest-moneyed backer, George Soros. Soros himself backs a global tax on wealthy countries, especially the United States. And Soros, like Obama, believes that the Global War on Terror is ill-intentioned and based on the desire of conservatives to build lasting American hegemony.
The current economic meltdown, coupled with the well-laid foundation of socialist radicals throughout this Country, now threaten to bring America closer than we've ever been to joining the international collective. And Barack Obama has demonstrated that he will do anything -- anything -- it takes to be The One to close their long-envisioned revolutionary deal.
The only remaining question is whether we voters will let him.
Kyle-Anne Shiver is a frequent contributor to American Thinker. She blogs at kyleanneshiver.com.