The Myth of the Stolen Election
The serious political season is about to begin, and the preliminaries that have occurred to date suggest it will be an extremely bitter one. While most Americans go about their daily lives, not thinking all that much about politics, both conservative and liberal partisans are deeply engaged in the forthcoming Presidential election contest.
Elections in which vengeful anger is the strongest motivating force for one or more sides, deviate from the American norm. Rhetoric, tactics, strategy, judgment, and voter turnout are all affected, often in surprising ways, and blunders, major and minor, become even more common than usual.
While the ideological divide between the two sides often has been quite sharp, the current level of personal bitterness is unusually high, by recent historical standards. In this election cycle, the tone of ugliness is being set on the left. Established liberal writers for respected publications, notably Jonathan Chait in the
The emotional and political divide separating right and left in this country has become obsessive. The left is obsessed with the evil that is George Bush, and the need to get rid of him. The Democrats seem prepared to nominate as their candidate for President, the angriest of the Bush haters running, former Vermont Governor Howard Dean. In a September 25th Democratic candidates' debate, Dean stated: 'We need to remember that the enemy here is George Bush, not each other.' And by extension, the enemy therefore is also not Osama Bin laden, Saddam Hussein, nor Kim Jong—il.
Paul Krugman, op ed columnist for the New York Times, and contender for the title of most obsessive Bush—hater, described the anger faction's perspective on January 2 : 'Most Democrats feel, with justification, that we're facing a national crisis—that the right, ruthlessly exploiting 9/11, is making a grab for total political dominance.' Krugman's idea of a national crisis is that the Republicans might get Bush re—elected, and increase their narrow margins in the Congress.
The right has had its own obsession in recent years, in its loathing of Bill Clinton. But this time around, anger management is a need mostly of the left.
Today, the right's enemies are the enemies of the
The statements made by the Democratic field of Presidential candidates in the run—up to their primaries leaves no doubt that the 'stolen election' of 2000 will be a constant refrain this year . Certain parts of the fable surrounding this alleged theft have been repeated so often that they are viewed as established fact by many partisans on the left. A documentary film, consumed with outrage over the 'stolen election' is currently playing at such trendy venues as
The Democrats seem determined to keep the 2000 election issue alive, even though it failed miserably as a rallying cry against Jeb Bush, who won a resounding 56% to 43% re—election victory in the 2002 Florida Governor's race. It is worth examining the mythology and the real, not—so—ancient history of the 'stolen election'.
It is ironic that among the angriest of those who charge that Bush's election was illegitimate, are many who did not even support Al Gore for President. Michael Moore has made the 'stolen election' a core element of his books and speeches since 2000. Yet
Gary Wills, in his new book on Thomas Jefferson and slavery, accuses Jefferson of winning the election of 1800 by capturing the votes of states in which the slaves were counted as 3/5 persons, a device which padded the Congressional and therefore Electoral College representation of the slave states. He seems to find this comparable in some way to Bush's 'blitzkrieg of lawyers' who helped steal the 2000 election. Wills's language is not accidental. Just as critics of Israel's policies love to diminish Israel, by analogizing Israel's behavior to apartheid South Africa or the Nazis, Wills's use of the word 'blitzkrieg' is designed to suggest that Bush and his fascist—like right wing hordes stole the recent election.
It is, I think, fair to claim that the election of 2000 was disputed. It was fought over for 37 days, in a myriad of lawsuits filed in individual
Certainly, the Bush team responded, and recruited first class legal talent of its own. The Bush team sought relief in federal courts after decisions by the Florida Supreme Court twice overruled lower
Most significantly, the Bush team won every important decision by a court in
The unspoken truth of the 2000 election dispute in Florida is always ignored by the left: Gore never led; not on election night, not after any statewide recount, not after adding the votes from county hand recounts, and not even in the exhaustive statewide post—election recounts conducted by the major state and national newspapers (in almost all of which Bush wound up ahead when any consistent method of counting was used.) Pick your method of counting chads, and it doesn't matter. Bush won.
Another myth is that Gore simply wanted all the votes counted. This is absolutely false. Gore lawyers and their supporters attempted to disqualify votes of some military voters overseas, and of absentee voters in several
On the other hand, they tried to create votes that the machines had determined contained no vote for President (the 'undervote'), but only in four heavily Democratic counties: Broward, Dade,
The left likes to say that the United States Supreme Court gave the election to Bush. They did no such thing. What they did was reverse the Florida Supreme Court's effort to keep on counting until Gore won. The U.S. Supreme Court's decision in Bush v Gore may not have been a model of jurisprudence, but the left also ignores the fact that the decision to over—rule the Florida Supreme Court was not a 5—4 decision dictated by the five conservative members of the Court, but a 7 to 2 decision. Even two liberals on the Court were offended by the machinations of the
The system decreed by the Florida Supreme Court in its 4 to 3 ruling (bitterly condemned by the Court's own Chief Justice as 'overreaching') would have allowed inconsistent rules for counting the 'undervotes' even within an individual county. For example, the Florida Supreme Court decided to accept the results of a partially completed hand recount performed in Dade County by a group of county officials using one set of rules and then add to it the results of a hand recount of the remainder of the county's 'undervote' to be performed by a different set of counters in Tallahassee, whose counting rules were not established.
The Florida Supreme Court also decided to accept the results of hand recounts completed in Broward, Volusia and
No clear rules for how to count or not count the 'undervote' in
Nationwide, Gore won a plurality (not a majority) of the reported popular vote tally, leading Bush by approximately 540,000 votes, a 0.5% margin, while losing narrowly to Bush in the Electoral College (271—266). This split between the popular and electoral College results in the 2000 election has its historical parallels, which diminish the contention that a deep historic injustice was done.
In 1824, Andrew Jackson won 44% of the popular vote in a 4—man race, and won the most Electoral College votes. John Quincy Adams won only 30% of the popular vote, and was second in the Electoral College vote. But
In both the 1876 and 1888 elections, the eventual Electoral College and presidential winner was also the popular vote loser. In 1876, the popular vote winner, Samuel Tilden, defeated Rutherford B. Hayes by 3% in the popular vote, but a commission awarded all disputed electoral votes to Hayes, giving him a one vote Electoral College victory. In 1888, President Grover Cleveland won the popular vote by just under 1% over Benjamin Harrison, but lost the Electoral College vote to Harrison decisively, and so the presidency.
Hence, in 1824, 1876, and 1888, the popular vote winners won broader popular vote victories than Gore did in 2000, and all still lost the election. What happened to Gore (winning a popular vote plurality by a small margin, yet losing the Electoral College vote by a small margin) was not earth—shattering nor precedent—setting. It had happened before, and will likely happen again.
The US Supreme Court decision over—ruling the Florida Supreme Court had two parts: the first a 7 to 2 vote over—ruling the vote counting system established by the Florida Supreme Court ; the second a 5 to 4 vote, requiring the vote count to be concluded almost immediately so that Florida could participate in the Electoral College process.
Had the second decision been 5 to 4 the other way, it is likely that the
With the benefit of hindsight provided by the post—election newspaper recounts, we now know that the charge that the U.S. Supreme Court awarded the election to Bush by stopping the recount, cannot be sustained, even assuming the Florida statewide recount could have been completed in time. These newspaper recounts revealed that had the hand recount of the 'undervote' been allowed to be completed statewide, Bush would have won anyway, using almost every consistently applied standard that was considered by the newspapers. Do the Democratic partisans mean to argue that the U.S. Supreme Court was wrong in its 7 to 2 decision to over—rule the Florida Supreme Court? Is it their contention that it should have allowed the enormous inconsistency in the county by county and even individual by individual standards applied to the hand recount that the Florida Supreme Court decision permitted, so long as they produced their desired result? This sounds like a preference for
It is also worth noting, that with the exception of
The charges of theft in
1. Democrats charge that Florida Governor Jeb Bush suppressed the black vote (which went over 90% for Gore), by using police roadblocks on election day to inhibit voting by blacks, and by clearing the voting rolls of felons— in an alleged attempt to remove black voters from the voter lists months before the election. The roadblock charge, loudly broadcast by race warriors Jesse Jackson and Al Sharpton, among others, has found zero documentary evidence to support it, though it is still repeated as if it were true in black churches and on black—oriented radio stations.
As for felon votes,
2. Democrats charge that the butterfly ballot in
But the facts of life are that there are no election do—overs for those who make errors when they vote.
3. Democrats charge that many votes for Gore were not counted. Many voters in
It may well be that if no voters had made mistakes, either by voting for Buchanan in Palm Beach County, or casting two votes for President, Gore would have won in Florida. But the vote which counts is the vote that is not spoiled, not the might—have—been count, had everyone followed instructions.
4. Some Democrats charge that Fox News called Bush the winner, because the network was in Bush's pocket. Other networks followed, and Bush was therefore presumed to be the winner once the recount started, giving him a public opinion advantage. This too is revisionist history. All the networks initially called Gore the winner (Fox News included), based on a faulty exit poll by the now—discredited and disbanded Voter News Service, which had been owned collectively by the major TV networks and AP wire service.
When Fox and the other networks changed their call and gave the state to Bush, that was hours later, and lasted only an hour or so, before the Florida popular vote tightened, and the state was reclassified by all the networks as too close to call. Within an hour after that, the Gore lawyers were en route to
One almost completely ignored story is the fact that when all the networks gave Florida to Gore soon after the polls closed in most of the state (the counties in the Eastern time zone), the polls were still open in the panhandle area of the state, which is in the Central time zone. The panhandle was Bush's strongest area in the state: the part of
A comparison of the county—by—county presidential vote in Florida in 1996 and 2000 shows that the percentage increase in turnout was smaller in all the Central time zone counties, than the increase in voter participation in the rest of the state. Could this have been caused by the broadcasters' premature announcement that the polls were already closed statewide, when an hour remained to vote in these Republican leaning counties in the pandhandle? Might the wrong early call that Gore won the state also have contributed to the lower—than—expected panhandle turnout? Had voter participation rates increased in the
There is plenty of evidence from previous national elections that were decided early in the evening (1964 for Johnson, 1972 for Nixon, 1984 for Reagan), that turnout on the West Coast was suppressed by the networks' early call of the presidential race based on Eastern state totals. Many voters in
Not a single network anchor qualified his comment about the polls having closed in
The conclusion from all this is pretty clear.