Three cheers for the continuing electoral irrelevance of Green Parties throughout the Western world

In these turbulent times with a myriad of external threats against the West, there is a ray of light for hopefulness that the general population has not yet tumbled off the precipice of sanity into utter depravation -- and that is its overwhelming refusal to support those that control Green Parties at various levels of government.

In Canada, the federal Green Party jumped from 0.8% of the popular vote during the 2000 election up to 4.3% in 2004, and has since declined to 3.4% in the latest 2015 election. At the provincial levels, Greens are stuck at less than 0.5% in Alberta, 0.9% in Nova Scotia, 0.5% in Quebec, 0.7% in the Yukon Territory, and less than 3% in Saskatchewan and Manitoba.

The deeply politically and societally disfunctional province of British Columbia has seen support for the Green Party slide from a high of 12.4% in the 2004 provincial election down to 8% in 2009 and 2013. Similarly, in Ontario the Greens dropped from 8% in 2007 to 4.8% in 2014. Only in the small and perpetually problematic provinces of Prince Edward Island (increasing from 4.4% in 2010 to 10.8% in 2015) and New Brunswick (4.5% in 2010 to 6.6% in 2014) does Green support appear to be rising.

The Green Party of the United States (with the lovely acronym GPUS -- i.e., gee-pus) hit 2.7% of the popular vote during the 2000 presidential election, and has since dropped to 0.4% in 2012. The GPUS also sits unflinchingly at about 0.3% of the total popular vote in Congressional races.

Across the Pond in the U.K., the Scottish Greens were at 4% in the 2011 Parliamentary elections, down from a high of nearly 7% in the 2003 elections. Their share of the European Parliamentary election vote is stuck at about 8%, and the Scottish general election vote share is only just above 1%. For the devolved legislative elections in Northern Ireland, Greens are picking up less than 1% of the vote, and are at only 1% in the Westminster elections. In Ireland itself, the 2016 Dáil Éireann elections put the Greens at 2.7%, which is where they were in the late 1990s.

Sadly, the Green Party of England and Wales may be increasing its support, moving up from 1% in the 2005 and 2010 general elections to 3.8% in 2015. But at least the party is not headed upwards in the European Parliamentary elections, remaining mired at between 6% and 8% since 1999.

In Switzerland, its Green Party peaked at 9.6% of the popular vote for the National Council and Council of States elections in 2007, since dropping to 7% in the 2015 elections -- meaning the party hasn't made any real electoral progress since the mid- to late-1980s.

Sweden's Green Party has been stuck at no higher than between 5% to 7% in the Riksdag elections since 1988, and while the country's European Parliament elections saw the Greens receive 15% of the popular vote in 2014, this is below the 17% share obtained in 1995.

At the western tip of the Continent, Portugal's populace has only given the Greens about 8% of the Portuguese Parliament vote since 1991, down from 12% in the late 1980s. In local elections, support for the Greens has dropped by about half from 20% to around 10% since the 1980s. For the European Parliament, again the Greens are not seeing the Portugese back their goals, with support (as part of the Unitary Democratic Coalition that includes, unsurprisingly, the Portuguese Communist Party) unchanged at between 9% and 14% since 1987.

Norway saw support for the Greens surge from an average of 0.3% between 1989 and 2009 up to 2.8% in 2013 in the Storting elections, but this could be an anomalous result that gets corrected in the next election once the public comes to their senses and realizes the real threats to their nation come from mass illegal migration and a sluggish economy.

Finland's Green Party has been hovering between 7% and 8% in parliamentary elections since 1991. The same applies for the Finnish local elections, whereas the European Parliament share going to the Greens dropped from 13% in 1999 to 9.3% in 2014.

Down in New Zealand, the latest election in 2014 saw the Greens holding at 11%, not that much higher than they were in 1990 (7%).

The Netherlands isn't buying what the Greens are selling, either. Their support is just 2% for the House of Representatives elections, down from 4% in 1989, and the last European Parliament elections put the Greens at less than 7%, down from 12% in 1999.

Support for the Greens in the Italian Parliament and Senate is consistently around 2% since 1987, while the 2014 European Parliament elections saw the Greens slide to only 0.9%, their worst showing on record.

Germany is often held up as the model success for the Greens, but the federal parliament (Bundestag) elections have witnessed no increase in the Green's support above 8% since 1987. European Parliament support has been holding steady at just 10% to 12% since the mid-1990s.

While more popular centrist and left-wing governments in many of these regions have gradually adopted some select principles from the Green parties, the voters have clearly identified the Greens' membership and leaders as even more dangerous than their policies. For the sake of Western Civilization, let us hope that this resistance holds.

Let the Green Party supporters play by themselves in their shallow end of the electoral pool, and meanwhile the rest of civil society can continue to largely ignore them and instead begin to refocus on the real democratic challenges that lie ahead of us.

In these turbulent times with a myriad of external threats against the West, there is a ray of light for hopefulness that the general population has not yet tumbled off the precipice of sanity into utter depravation -- and that is its overwhelming refusal to support those that control Green Parties at various levels of government.

In Canada, the federal Green Party jumped from 0.8% of the popular vote during the 2000 election up to 4.3% in 2004, and has since declined to 3.4% in the latest 2015 election. At the provincial levels, Greens are stuck at less than 0.5% in Alberta, 0.9% in Nova Scotia, 0.5% in Quebec, 0.7% in the Yukon Territory, and less than 3% in Saskatchewan and Manitoba.

The deeply politically and societally disfunctional province of British Columbia has seen support for the Green Party slide from a high of 12.4% in the 2004 provincial election down to 8% in 2009 and 2013. Similarly, in Ontario the Greens dropped from 8% in 2007 to 4.8% in 2014. Only in the small and perpetually problematic provinces of Prince Edward Island (increasing from 4.4% in 2010 to 10.8% in 2015) and New Brunswick (4.5% in 2010 to 6.6% in 2014) does Green support appear to be rising.

The Green Party of the United States (with the lovely acronym GPUS -- i.e., gee-pus) hit 2.7% of the popular vote during the 2000 presidential election, and has since dropped to 0.4% in 2012. The GPUS also sits unflinchingly at about 0.3% of the total popular vote in Congressional races.

Across the Pond in the U.K., the Scottish Greens were at 4% in the 2011 Parliamentary elections, down from a high of nearly 7% in the 2003 elections. Their share of the European Parliamentary election vote is stuck at about 8%, and the Scottish general election vote share is only just above 1%. For the devolved legislative elections in Northern Ireland, Greens are picking up less than 1% of the vote, and are at only 1% in the Westminster elections. In Ireland itself, the 2016 Dáil Éireann elections put the Greens at 2.7%, which is where they were in the late 1990s.

Sadly, the Green Party of England and Wales may be increasing its support, moving up from 1% in the 2005 and 2010 general elections to 3.8% in 2015. But at least the party is not headed upwards in the European Parliamentary elections, remaining mired at between 6% and 8% since 1999.

In Switzerland, its Green Party peaked at 9.6% of the popular vote for the National Council and Council of States elections in 2007, since dropping to 7% in the 2015 elections -- meaning the party hasn't made any real electoral progress since the mid- to late-1980s.

Sweden's Green Party has been stuck at no higher than between 5% to 7% in the Riksdag elections since 1988, and while the country's European Parliament elections saw the Greens receive 15% of the popular vote in 2014, this is below the 17% share obtained in 1995.

At the western tip of the Continent, Portugal's populace has only given the Greens about 8% of the Portuguese Parliament vote since 1991, down from 12% in the late 1980s. In local elections, support for the Greens has dropped by about half from 20% to around 10% since the 1980s. For the European Parliament, again the Greens are not seeing the Portugese back their goals, with support (as part of the Unitary Democratic Coalition that includes, unsurprisingly, the Portuguese Communist Party) unchanged at between 9% and 14% since 1987.

Norway saw support for the Greens surge from an average of 0.3% between 1989 and 2009 up to 2.8% in 2013 in the Storting elections, but this could be an anomalous result that gets corrected in the next election once the public comes to their senses and realizes the real threats to their nation come from mass illegal migration and a sluggish economy.

Finland's Green Party has been hovering between 7% and 8% in parliamentary elections since 1991. The same applies for the Finnish local elections, whereas the European Parliament share going to the Greens dropped from 13% in 1999 to 9.3% in 2014.

Down in New Zealand, the latest election in 2014 saw the Greens holding at 11%, not that much higher than they were in 1990 (7%).

The Netherlands isn't buying what the Greens are selling, either. Their support is just 2% for the House of Representatives elections, down from 4% in 1989, and the last European Parliament elections put the Greens at less than 7%, down from 12% in 1999.

Support for the Greens in the Italian Parliament and Senate is consistently around 2% since 1987, while the 2014 European Parliament elections saw the Greens slide to only 0.9%, their worst showing on record.

Germany is often held up as the model success for the Greens, but the federal parliament (Bundestag) elections have witnessed no increase in the Green's support above 8% since 1987. European Parliament support has been holding steady at just 10% to 12% since the mid-1990s.

While more popular centrist and left-wing governments in many of these regions have gradually adopted some select principles from the Green parties, the voters have clearly identified the Greens' membership and leaders as even more dangerous than their policies. For the sake of Western Civilization, let us hope that this resistance holds.

Let the Green Party supporters play by themselves in their shallow end of the electoral pool, and meanwhile the rest of civil society can continue to largely ignore them and instead begin to refocus on the real democratic challenges that lie ahead of us.