Election called off in Sweden in stunning backroom deal

Three weeks ago, Sweden was set to have a snap election that would offer the voting public a chance to be heard on Sweden's immigration policy, which is importing one percent of its population per year from impoverished Muslim countries.  Now, in a stunning backroom deal, the major parties of the left and right have collaborated to prevent the sole party opposing Sweden’s immigration policy from increasing its representation.

On December 6, I explained how the Sweden Democrats (SD) became a rising force by being the only party opposing large-scale immigration, and were able to force a snap election by stymieing the passage of a budget.  They were anticipating radically increasing their share of seats from 14%, perhaps doubling or more their representation.

The Sweden Democrats are a rising force in Swedish politics, having picked up 29 seats in elections earlier this year, for a total of 49 seats in the 349-seat Rikstag, making the party the third-largest of the eight in the body. 

Now, Daniel Pipes writes in National Review:

SD is deemed anathema, so no party bargains with it to pass legislation, not even indirectly through the media. Both Left and “Right” seek to isolate and discredit it. Nevertheless, SD has played kingmaker on certain crucial legislation, particularly the annual budget. In keeping with its policy to drive from power every government that refuses to reduce immigration, it brought down an Alliance for Sweden government in early 2014. Recent weeks saw a repeat of this scenario, when SD joined the Alliance in opposing the leftist budget, forcing the government to call for elections in March 2015.

But then something remarkable occurred: The two major blocs compromised not only on the current budget, but also on future budgets and power-sharing all the way to 2022. The left and “right” alliances worked out trade-offs so that elections need not take place in March, allowing the Left to rule until 2018, with the “Right” possibly taking over from 2018 until 2022. Not only does this political cartel deprive SD of its pivotal role but, short of winning a majority of parliamentary seats in 2018, it has no meaningful legislative role for the next eight years, during which time the immigration issue is off the table.

Immigrants have already transformed certain areas, such as the city of Malmö, where parts are now no-go areas for police, and where Jews have fled violent anti-Semitism.  Immigrants account for a vastly disproportionate share of crime – rape in particular – and welfare dependency.  The Swedish birth rate is low, while immigrant birth rates are high, and their numbers are increased every year through immigration.

The unwillingness of both left and right parties to even discuss immigration is stunning, revealing a deep fear of the issue's unpopularity.  Pipes calls it “suicide by immigration,” and the language is fully justified.  The frustration of the popular will in Sweden is something that will not go down well in a country that prides itself on democracy and inclusiveness.  Pipes writes:

In the long term, however, things look good for SD, which will likely gain from this undemocratic sleight of hand. Swedes, long accustomed to democracy, do not appreciate a backroom arrangement that almost surely nullifies their votes in 2018. They don’t like its bullying quality. Nor do they take well to removing a highly controversial issue from consideration. And when the time comes to “throw the bums out,” as always it does, the Sweden Democrats will offer the only alternative to the tired, fractious coalition that will have been in power for eight long years — during which time immigration problems will alarm yet more voters.

In other words, this blatant act of suppression is spurring the very debate it is intended to quash. Before too long, the supreme issue of national suicide might actually be discussed.

Swedish politics are going to get very interesting in 2018.

Three weeks ago, Sweden was set to have a snap election that would offer the voting public a chance to be heard on Sweden's immigration policy, which is importing one percent of its population per year from impoverished Muslim countries.  Now, in a stunning backroom deal, the major parties of the left and right have collaborated to prevent the sole party opposing Sweden’s immigration policy from increasing its representation.

On December 6, I explained how the Sweden Democrats (SD) became a rising force by being the only party opposing large-scale immigration, and were able to force a snap election by stymieing the passage of a budget.  They were anticipating radically increasing their share of seats from 14%, perhaps doubling or more their representation.

The Sweden Democrats are a rising force in Swedish politics, having picked up 29 seats in elections earlier this year, for a total of 49 seats in the 349-seat Rikstag, making the party the third-largest of the eight in the body. 

Now, Daniel Pipes writes in National Review:

SD is deemed anathema, so no party bargains with it to pass legislation, not even indirectly through the media. Both Left and “Right” seek to isolate and discredit it. Nevertheless, SD has played kingmaker on certain crucial legislation, particularly the annual budget. In keeping with its policy to drive from power every government that refuses to reduce immigration, it brought down an Alliance for Sweden government in early 2014. Recent weeks saw a repeat of this scenario, when SD joined the Alliance in opposing the leftist budget, forcing the government to call for elections in March 2015.

But then something remarkable occurred: The two major blocs compromised not only on the current budget, but also on future budgets and power-sharing all the way to 2022. The left and “right” alliances worked out trade-offs so that elections need not take place in March, allowing the Left to rule until 2018, with the “Right” possibly taking over from 2018 until 2022. Not only does this political cartel deprive SD of its pivotal role but, short of winning a majority of parliamentary seats in 2018, it has no meaningful legislative role for the next eight years, during which time the immigration issue is off the table.

Immigrants have already transformed certain areas, such as the city of Malmö, where parts are now no-go areas for police, and where Jews have fled violent anti-Semitism.  Immigrants account for a vastly disproportionate share of crime – rape in particular – and welfare dependency.  The Swedish birth rate is low, while immigrant birth rates are high, and their numbers are increased every year through immigration.

The unwillingness of both left and right parties to even discuss immigration is stunning, revealing a deep fear of the issue's unpopularity.  Pipes calls it “suicide by immigration,” and the language is fully justified.  The frustration of the popular will in Sweden is something that will not go down well in a country that prides itself on democracy and inclusiveness.  Pipes writes:

In the long term, however, things look good for SD, which will likely gain from this undemocratic sleight of hand. Swedes, long accustomed to democracy, do not appreciate a backroom arrangement that almost surely nullifies their votes in 2018. They don’t like its bullying quality. Nor do they take well to removing a highly controversial issue from consideration. And when the time comes to “throw the bums out,” as always it does, the Sweden Democrats will offer the only alternative to the tired, fractious coalition that will have been in power for eight long years — during which time immigration problems will alarm yet more voters.

In other words, this blatant act of suppression is spurring the very debate it is intended to quash. Before too long, the supreme issue of national suicide might actually be discussed.

Swedish politics are going to get very interesting in 2018.