Paul's explanation always left a lot to be desired. The idea that a newsletter would go out without his knowing what it said was a ridiculous attempt to avoid responsibility.
Paul may not hold the views expressed in his newsletters. But it is apparent that he believed a marketing strategy that used race to bait his readers would succeed in making him money.
The Republican presidential candidate has denied writing inflammatory passages in the pamphlets from the 1990s and said recently that he did not read them at the time or for years afterward. Numerous colleagues said he does not hold racist views.
But people close to Paul's operations said he was deeply involved in the company that produced the newsletters, Ron Paul & Associates, and closely monitored its operations, signing off on articles and speaking to staff members virtually every day.
"It was his newsletter, and it was under his name, so he always got to see the final product. . . . He would proof it,'' said Renae Hathway, a former secretary in Paul's company and a supporter of the Texas congressman.
The newsletters point to a rarely seen and somewhat opaque side of Paul, who has surprised the political community by becoming an important factor in the Republican race. The candidate, who has presented himself as a kindly doctor and political truth-teller, declined in a recent debate to release his tax returns, joking that he would be "embarrassed" about his income compared with that of his richer GOP rivals.
Yet a review of his enterprises reveals a sharp-eyed businessman who for nearly two decades oversaw the company and a nonprofit foundation, intertwining them with his political career. The newsletters, which were launched in the mid-1980s and bore such names as the Ron Paul Survival Report, were produced by a company Paul dissolved in 2001.
The company shared offices with his campaigns and foundation at various points, according to those familiar with the operation. Public records show Paul's wife and daughter were officers of the newsletter company and foundation; his daughter also served as his campaign treasurer.
Jesse Benton, a presidential campaign spokesman, said that the accounts of Paul's involvement were untrue and that Paul was practicing medicine full time when "the offensive material appeared under his name." Paul "abhors it, rejects it and has taken responsibility for it as he should have better policed the work being done under his masthead," Benton said. He did not comment on Paul's business strategy.
He was practicing medicine full time so he couldn't take 20 minutes to read what was going out under his name? Nonsense. This is why no one believes Paul's protestations. And the idea of a marketing strategy targeting the kooks and crazies rings true when you examine some of his current supporters.