The Coming Hispanic Civil Rights Movement
See also: Why Republicans Lose in Urban Areas
Whenever politicians across America speak of the Hispanic community, the message they convey is always the same: we need immigration reform. But underneath this status quo political camouflage lies a growing American social problem: that the Hispanic community is in crisis.
For the time being, these socioeconomic problems are being swept under the rug. After all, the Democrats who promote illegal immigration to the big cities want to portray the Hispanic community as robust and faring well in their new country. Their official position is to act as cheerleaders. They constantly lobby for new ways to help them settle into the U.S. such as the Dream Act.
In Chicago, Los Angeles, and other major centers of Hispanic population, Hispanics have been confined by Democratic leaders into barrios, highly-segregated communities divided along ethnic lines just as blacks were moved into the big ghettoes of the northern cities. And for Hispanics this confinement is accompanied by poor educational opportunities, low wages, and a high teenage single motherhood rate. In fact, the Hispanic teenage single motherhood rate has now crept up above that of blacks, and the high-school dropout rate of Hispanics nationwide is nearly double that of blacks according to the Pew Hispanic Center Study Between Two Worlds.
For any sociopolitical movement to succeed it must have two crucial components: leadership and a paradigm for change. It cannot be emphasized too strongly that in cities controlled by Democrats, the party is very effective at suppressing change in its own ranks. The Chicago Machine had confined blacks into highly segregated communities since 1900, and politicians who wanted to represent them had to be Democrats. Dr. King marched in northern cities as an outsider because he had to be an outsider.
The 4th Congressional District, represented by Hispanic Luis Gutierrez, is 75% Hispanic. Chicago now has 14 Wards, out of a total of 50, that are 65% or more Hispanic. Mayor Daley II and his brother Bill Daley both courted Hispanic political leaders and promised them jobs in City Hall in return for support for Daley when he first ran for Mayor in 1989. Daley II then created a Hispanic submachine, the HDO -- Hispanic Democratic Organization -- and gave them city jobs. The Hispanic Aldermen and women will not rock the Machine boat.
The second important component is a paradigm for change: the leader must expose the oppressive sociopolitical environment and propose a strategy for improving it. Hispanics are finding themselves confined to low-paying jobs without benefits. They often work in the cash economy and their employers do not pay into unemployment benefits, social security, Medicare, and other Federal and state benefit programs.
By encouraging them to come here without documents, Democrats use their vulnerable status to confine them to highly-segregated Hispanic communities in the cities of Chicago, Los Angeles, New York, etc. This is rationalized under the public relations statements that their needs can be better taken care of if they move into Hispanic communities.
The difference between Hispanic and black political leaders is startling: while black leaders have focused for fifty years on nothing but the oppressive social conditions in segregated black communities, Hispanic leaders don't talk about them at all. This can only be understood when one realizes that illegal immigration has only been promoted for the past 30 years. Democrats have chosen to take the some position they have with blacks: to act as though these terrible conditions are created by someone else, and that Hispanics need them to improve their conditions. It has only worked because no one mentions the fact that both illegal immigration and their segregated neighborhoods have been created by the Democratic Party as part of their national campaign to maintain the Congressional seats of the old cities that having been losing population since 1950.
Democrats should have known that conditions of ethnic segregation would duplicate the problems of single motherhood and high-school dropout rates. For this reason they cannot now admit that the conditions are horrendous: Hispanic voters would quickly realize that Democrats are responsible.
Because of this, no Hispanic civil rights leader can emerge from the Chicago Machine, or any other Democratic organization. The Hispanics are so heavily molded into the Democratic Party they will never stray from it.
One can ask whether a civil rights movement, making Americans aware of these social conditions, can arise in the Hispanic community. As these conditions worsen, despair and frustration among America's residents will likely rise. The major question will be when this movement will happen, and who the leaders will be.
Just as Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. was an outsider to Chicago's political machine, so too it looks as though the leader of any civil rights movement for Hispanics must be an outsider, someone who does not have ties to the National Democratic Party. This lack of leadership creates a vacuum Republicans may be able to fill.
Right now the Hispanic community is still in its formative stage, but it is growing and changing so quickly that it may rebel very quickly as well. In the meantime, Democrats and their friends in the media don't want the Hispanics to become aware of their oppression. They want to continue to grow the Hispanic population to maintain their electoral advantage among Hispanics.
Currently the focus of the Hispanic political community is on immigration reform, but Democrats are intentionally delaying immigration reform in two ways: 1) by blocking true reform, and 2) by maintaining the flow of immigrants into the U.S. so the newcomers are always entranced by the American dream and would never think of rebelling against their oppression. Democrats do not want true immigration reform, they do not want Hispanics to be totally integrated into American society. These attitudes themselves are reason enough for a civil rights movement.