The Obama Avalanche

Like the grains of sand in the "creepy" sculpture of Obama at the 2012 Democratic National Convention that were blown away by bad weather, it is only a matter of time until the stones constituting the protective wall around the Obama narrative begin to tumble. 

After all, a single pebble can start an avalanche.  The foundation of the Obama image, already weakened by broken promises and a floundering economy, has been seriously rocked by some explosive revelations in the Benghazi and IRS investigations.  Completing a trifecta of "serial shocks," real tremors began when it dawned first on the AP and then the rest of the mainstream media: their hero might not be made of the stuff they've been peddling, and worse, may provide an unflattering image of the place where leftist stuff eventually leads.  The AP's reporting of a potential fourth scandal over secret e-mail addresses might nudge that crucial pebble.

Obama's own narcissism is partly to blame, as he relied too heavily on fickle fans and a lapdog press.  Although we can hardly doubt that old-fashioned Chicago politics reinforced much of Obama's power in wealthy and influential circles, a vast amount of energy was provided by thousands of others -- all the "little people" who go Obama in ways large and small.

There were MoveOn, ACORN and OFA canvassers and volunteers -- those who (knowingly or not) voted, donated, and signed nomination ballots.  Thousands of little people who wore matching t-shirts, held up signs, occupied in tents, and stood in line for Obama Money.

From the beginning of Obama's political career, those familiar with his college days, applications, grades, or financing contributed to a "tomb-like silence."  Many declined to recall that Obama sat in Jeremiah Wright's church, socialist New Party meetings, or Bill Ayers's politics-launching living room.  Others applauded Obama's words honoring Derrick Bell and toasting Rashid Khalidi, then hid the videotapes.  Practically no one has come forward from Obama's cloudy past to provide some clarity beyond the "composite" characters and events described in an autobiography that experts assert he didn't write.  His publisher proclaimed for 17 years that Obama was born in Kenya, then finally corrected the "typo" to Hawaii, just in time for a presidential run.

Then there were all of the people who neglected to investigate or report on any of it.  The thousands of media lackeys who covered, censored, and published with a pro-Obama slant as a matter of routine.  Hundreds of journalists and pundits who helped fabricate and protect an image and a message that produced big expectations in the minds of all the little others.

In all likelihood, Obama never personally gave any instructions to (or gave a darn about) any of the little people.  To him, they were but specks to be manipulated, if need be, with crony-club invitations and "fairness cards," government-benefit strings, or motivational lines like "vote for revenge."  For the fellow-traveling press, there were special invitations and interviews and speeches laced with "standard Socialist rhetoric."  In return, the pawns built up and protected his image, cast votes, sent money, hid things, made calls, and mocked opponents.  Others failed to report, snapped haloed pictures, lobbed friendly interview questions, and wrote glowing articles.   

Obama behaved as though he expected and deserved such loyalty.  The rest of us had no problem picturing him in a White House throne room (complete with a practice putting green and basketball hoop), feet up on the desk, window shades drawn to obscure the view of thousands of Tea Partiers on the mall, and live celebrity music turned up full blast to drown out the pesky buzz of New Media. 

We imagine him yawning as he receives late-morning briefings carefully devoid of information that his assistants know he doesn't wish to see.  We envision aides cringing when they can't avoid relaying bad news, drawing straws over who gets to interrupt Obama's golf game or wake him with that 3 a.m. call.  We easily picture Obama giving a nonchalant thumb up or down on pressing issues, with underlings scurrying to interpret the command and get'er done -- on their own and in any way possible.

And while we're continuing to learn that the IRS scandal involved much more than some rogue agents from Cincinnati, it's not difficult to envision other similar incidents, with other government bureaucrats, armed and energized with a mere wink or nod.  Although there probably exists no smoking gun smudged with Obama fingerprints, his henchmen acted like Barney Fife with a bullet in their pockets.

But now, all the president's yes men who said "yes" are noticing that the shadow of the Obama image may not stretch far enough to cover their backs.  The holes in Obama's transparency promises have allowed some light to shine on some unattractive truths.  Lackeys have become vulnerable and disillusioned, making skepticism extremely contagious.  The truth flushed down the media's memory holes has finally clogged them up, and murky backwater has started swirling around JournoList's ankles, chilling the thrill from running up their legs.

The little people are finding that votes don't translate into immunity from pink slips. Obama fundraiser shields prove ineffective against pitchforks aimed at "the rich."  Newspapers downsize and television ratings slip.  Union labels fail to prevent outsourcing hazards.  And the grim reaper of Obamacare could care less about the D on the yard sign when he puts the huge bill in the mailbox and comes a-knocking at all the little doors.

Now that a growing windstorm begins to blow the Obama-sculpture sand into the public eye, Obama peers down his nose and out of his royal box, on the lookout for a fall guy or two, as he reads innocently, à la Sgt. Schultz, from the teleprompter: "I know nothing."

Before the latest round of implosions, if things ever did start to get a little shaky on the dais, Obama would often animate a straw man or offer a false choice.  Or he'd give shout-outs to victimized law students needing free birth control, professors arrested by policemen acting stupidly, imaginary hoodie-wearing sons, and closet-escaping sports figures.  Obama held fundraisers and parties for the rich and famous, and brought victims or their families to his stage as convenient props. Inconvenient information was often leaked on busy Friday afternoons -- and at times, big, distracting news involving a celebrity or sensational event (made bigger and more distracting by a subservient press) would luckily appear.

In Obama's selective wonderland, though, we're warned to ignore certain "distractions," "sideshows" and "political circuses" -- like the Benghazi investigation.  Obama used remarkably similar language back in April 27, 2011, in a press conference to announce the release of his long-form birth certificate, calling the fuss a "distraction" and a "sideshow" with "carnival barkers."  Obama's press secretary recently implied that questions on Benghazi were similar to birtherism.  Perhaps Obama himself considered Benghazi and his birth certificate somehow equivalent -- either as inconvenient diversions from his transformational agenda, or in the potential for damage to his legacy. 

It was another April 27, in 1961, that President Kennedy gave a speech titled "The President and the Press," which focused on national security and the role of the media.  While JFK joked that a better title might have been "The President Versus the Press," for Obama, decades later, the reality became "The President and His Press."

National security is certainly a valid concern impacting both the Benghazi and AP/Rosen investigations.  But it's difficult to argue that IRS targeting of conservatives or secret e-mail addresses of government bureaucrats had to do with any security other than that surrounding the image and power of Obama and his like-minded cohorts.

Obama reassured his press, and us, that there is no "there there."  His press secretary scoffed at "old news."  Obama's secretary of state whined, "What difference does it make?"  Yet it was Obama himself who once said, "The only people who don't want to disclose the truth are people with something to hide."

Like Whittaker Chambers, who took up his "little sling" that "also hit something else" larger and much more ominous, the first pebbles sliding down in the Obama avalanche could uncover the edges of some things far more serious than the cover-up.

While the GOP argues internally over whether to make the scandals about Obama or not, the issue might wind up being settled for them.  Though this ship seems too big for Obama to steer alone, even his staunchest supporters admit that Obama "runs things."  It remains to be seen whether the nation will continue to allow Obama or his ideology to remain at the helm.

Like the grains of sand in the "creepy" sculpture of Obama at the 2012 Democratic National Convention that were blown away by bad weather, it is only a matter of time until the stones constituting the protective wall around the Obama narrative begin to tumble. 

After all, a single pebble can start an avalanche.  The foundation of the Obama image, already weakened by broken promises and a floundering economy, has been seriously rocked by some explosive revelations in the Benghazi and IRS investigations.  Completing a trifecta of "serial shocks," real tremors began when it dawned first on the AP and then the rest of the mainstream media: their hero might not be made of the stuff they've been peddling, and worse, may provide an unflattering image of the place where leftist stuff eventually leads.  The AP's reporting of a potential fourth scandal over secret e-mail addresses might nudge that crucial pebble.

Obama's own narcissism is partly to blame, as he relied too heavily on fickle fans and a lapdog press.  Although we can hardly doubt that old-fashioned Chicago politics reinforced much of Obama's power in wealthy and influential circles, a vast amount of energy was provided by thousands of others -- all the "little people" who go Obama in ways large and small.

There were MoveOn, ACORN and OFA canvassers and volunteers -- those who (knowingly or not) voted, donated, and signed nomination ballots.  Thousands of little people who wore matching t-shirts, held up signs, occupied in tents, and stood in line for Obama Money.

From the beginning of Obama's political career, those familiar with his college days, applications, grades, or financing contributed to a "tomb-like silence."  Many declined to recall that Obama sat in Jeremiah Wright's church, socialist New Party meetings, or Bill Ayers's politics-launching living room.  Others applauded Obama's words honoring Derrick Bell and toasting Rashid Khalidi, then hid the videotapes.  Practically no one has come forward from Obama's cloudy past to provide some clarity beyond the "composite" characters and events described in an autobiography that experts assert he didn't write.  His publisher proclaimed for 17 years that Obama was born in Kenya, then finally corrected the "typo" to Hawaii, just in time for a presidential run.

Then there were all of the people who neglected to investigate or report on any of it.  The thousands of media lackeys who covered, censored, and published with a pro-Obama slant as a matter of routine.  Hundreds of journalists and pundits who helped fabricate and protect an image and a message that produced big expectations in the minds of all the little others.

In all likelihood, Obama never personally gave any instructions to (or gave a darn about) any of the little people.  To him, they were but specks to be manipulated, if need be, with crony-club invitations and "fairness cards," government-benefit strings, or motivational lines like "vote for revenge."  For the fellow-traveling press, there were special invitations and interviews and speeches laced with "standard Socialist rhetoric."  In return, the pawns built up and protected his image, cast votes, sent money, hid things, made calls, and mocked opponents.  Others failed to report, snapped haloed pictures, lobbed friendly interview questions, and wrote glowing articles.   

Obama behaved as though he expected and deserved such loyalty.  The rest of us had no problem picturing him in a White House throne room (complete with a practice putting green and basketball hoop), feet up on the desk, window shades drawn to obscure the view of thousands of Tea Partiers on the mall, and live celebrity music turned up full blast to drown out the pesky buzz of New Media. 

We imagine him yawning as he receives late-morning briefings carefully devoid of information that his assistants know he doesn't wish to see.  We envision aides cringing when they can't avoid relaying bad news, drawing straws over who gets to interrupt Obama's golf game or wake him with that 3 a.m. call.  We easily picture Obama giving a nonchalant thumb up or down on pressing issues, with underlings scurrying to interpret the command and get'er done -- on their own and in any way possible.

And while we're continuing to learn that the IRS scandal involved much more than some rogue agents from Cincinnati, it's not difficult to envision other similar incidents, with other government bureaucrats, armed and energized with a mere wink or nod.  Although there probably exists no smoking gun smudged with Obama fingerprints, his henchmen acted like Barney Fife with a bullet in their pockets.

But now, all the president's yes men who said "yes" are noticing that the shadow of the Obama image may not stretch far enough to cover their backs.  The holes in Obama's transparency promises have allowed some light to shine on some unattractive truths.  Lackeys have become vulnerable and disillusioned, making skepticism extremely contagious.  The truth flushed down the media's memory holes has finally clogged them up, and murky backwater has started swirling around JournoList's ankles, chilling the thrill from running up their legs.

The little people are finding that votes don't translate into immunity from pink slips. Obama fundraiser shields prove ineffective against pitchforks aimed at "the rich."  Newspapers downsize and television ratings slip.  Union labels fail to prevent outsourcing hazards.  And the grim reaper of Obamacare could care less about the D on the yard sign when he puts the huge bill in the mailbox and comes a-knocking at all the little doors.

Now that a growing windstorm begins to blow the Obama-sculpture sand into the public eye, Obama peers down his nose and out of his royal box, on the lookout for a fall guy or two, as he reads innocently, à la Sgt. Schultz, from the teleprompter: "I know nothing."

Before the latest round of implosions, if things ever did start to get a little shaky on the dais, Obama would often animate a straw man or offer a false choice.  Or he'd give shout-outs to victimized law students needing free birth control, professors arrested by policemen acting stupidly, imaginary hoodie-wearing sons, and closet-escaping sports figures.  Obama held fundraisers and parties for the rich and famous, and brought victims or their families to his stage as convenient props. Inconvenient information was often leaked on busy Friday afternoons -- and at times, big, distracting news involving a celebrity or sensational event (made bigger and more distracting by a subservient press) would luckily appear.

In Obama's selective wonderland, though, we're warned to ignore certain "distractions," "sideshows" and "political circuses" -- like the Benghazi investigation.  Obama used remarkably similar language back in April 27, 2011, in a press conference to announce the release of his long-form birth certificate, calling the fuss a "distraction" and a "sideshow" with "carnival barkers."  Obama's press secretary recently implied that questions on Benghazi were similar to birtherism.  Perhaps Obama himself considered Benghazi and his birth certificate somehow equivalent -- either as inconvenient diversions from his transformational agenda, or in the potential for damage to his legacy. 

It was another April 27, in 1961, that President Kennedy gave a speech titled "The President and the Press," which focused on national security and the role of the media.  While JFK joked that a better title might have been "The President Versus the Press," for Obama, decades later, the reality became "The President and His Press."

National security is certainly a valid concern impacting both the Benghazi and AP/Rosen investigations.  But it's difficult to argue that IRS targeting of conservatives or secret e-mail addresses of government bureaucrats had to do with any security other than that surrounding the image and power of Obama and his like-minded cohorts.

Obama reassured his press, and us, that there is no "there there."  His press secretary scoffed at "old news."  Obama's secretary of state whined, "What difference does it make?"  Yet it was Obama himself who once said, "The only people who don't want to disclose the truth are people with something to hide."

Like Whittaker Chambers, who took up his "little sling" that "also hit something else" larger and much more ominous, the first pebbles sliding down in the Obama avalanche could uncover the edges of some things far more serious than the cover-up.

While the GOP argues internally over whether to make the scandals about Obama or not, the issue might wind up being settled for them.  Though this ship seems too big for Obama to steer alone, even his staunchest supporters admit that Obama "runs things."  It remains to be seen whether the nation will continue to allow Obama or his ideology to remain at the helm.

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