April 29, 2012
Eurabia Versus Wilders AgonistesBy Andrew G. Bostom
A review-essay on Marked for Death: Islam's War Against the West and Me by Geert Wilders, Regnery Publishing, May1, 2012, 256 pp.
See Part I: Wilders Agonistes
During April 26-28, 2006, the Paris Institute of the Arab World celebrated three decades of the Euro-Arab Dialogue. The event was touted as a Euro-Arab Dialogue Forum, with a theme (as reported by the Arab News) entitled "Prospects and Contents of a Euro-Arab Strategic Partnership." Former President Chirac's foreign minister, Philippe Douste Blazy, delivered the final address at the April 26 Opening Session. The forum's "Objectif," according to the forum website (cited in the Preface to the 7th printing of Bat Ye'or's Eurabia), stated :
Two decades after the 1991 Barreau affair, Dutch parliamentarian Geert Wilders has emerged as a bold, highly informed populist challenger to the deeply entrenched Eurabian establishment and its malign, dystopian paradigm. Not surprisingly, as chronicled in Marked for Death, Wilders' thoughtful, outspoken criticism of the entire Eurabian "project" has been met with ceaseless vituperative attacks on him by establishment media and political opponents, perverse state legal efforts against his free speech rights, and multiple death threats, the last of which mandate constant, intensive, well-nigh self-incarcerating personal security precautions.
Geert Wilders was born September 6, 1963, in Venlo, a town in the Netherlands' southernmost province of Limburg. As a youth, Wilders considered himself "one of the 15% of Limburgians classified as non-religious" (citing 2003 census data indicating that 78% of Limburg's residents were Catholic, 2% Protestant, 5% non-Christian religious, and 15% non-religious). Wilders acknowledges that his youthful "atheist radicalism" matured into a humble agnosticism, imbued with Friedrich Hayek's understanding of God as the "personification of that tradition of morals or values that keeps their community alive." Although not raised in a political family, Wilders' father aided the anti-Nazi Dutch resistance during World War II and was very pro-American -- an action and an attitude which have both strongly influenced the Dutch parliamentarian. Wilders' own anti-totalitarian Weltanschauung highlights the striking similarity between non-religious ideocratic and religious theocratic totalitarianism -- the latter epitomized by Islam.
Wilders further distinguishes between these secular or Islamic totalitarian societies and the non-theocratic U.S., "rooted in religious principles" believed to derive from the Judeo-Christian God of individual freedom -- a conception of Deity antithetical to Islam's ruthlessly autocratic Allah.
Ultimately, although not uncritical of the West, Wilders is unabashed in his conviction that the values of Western societies are superior and merit steadfast defense.
As a logical corollary to his Weltanschauung, reinforced by numerous visits to Israel, Wilders is an openly avowed, vigorous supporter of the Jewish State. Wilders has argued without apologetics that Israel is the only country in the Middle East which shares the West's Judeo-Christian identity and values. Furthermore, Wilders understands and eloquently articulates the doctrinal and historical realities -- rooted in Islam's timeless institution of jihad war against non-Muslims -- which are responsible for Israel's predicament.
These unpardonable sins against the Eurabian order -- his staunch defense of Western exceptionalism and concordant vocal support for Israel -- have precipitated incessant rhetorical, legal, and even threatened lethal assaults directed at Wilders by the Muslim and non-Muslim avatars of Eurabia.
Well before the controversy erupted surrounding Wilders' brief documentary Fitna, and even prior to the killing of Dutch filmmaker Theo Van Gogh in November 2004, Wilders, in September 2003, received a death threat for requesting that the Dutch government investigate a mosque (in the city of Eindhoven, some 80 miles southeast of Amsterdam) suspected of fomenting Islamic jihadism. Additional death threats accrued over the next year -- explicit calls for his decapitation -- when Wilders abandoned the VVD Party because of its support for Turkey's entry into the European Union.
Theo Van Gogh was brutally assassinated on November 2, 2004 by a Dutch Muslim of Moroccan descent named Muhammad Bouyeri. This self-professed act of jihad terror was committed just after Bouyeri finished his morning prayers at Amsterdam's El-Tawheed mosque, an Islamic religious facility which Wilders and former Dutch Parliamentarian Ayaan Hirsi Ali had asked the authorities to investigate. That same evening, Wilders and Ayaan Hirsi Ali, along with Wilders' wife, were placed under governmental protective custody at a Dutch army barracks, near the Belgian border. The media's characterization of these events, and the reaction of mainstream Dutch politicians, reflected the prevailing Eurabian mindset, or, more aptly, what historian Robert Conquest termed "mindslaughter," when referring to destructive apologists for Soviet Communist totalitarianism and terror:
Dr. Tina Magaard -- a Sorbonne-trained linguist specializing in textual analysis -- published detailed research findings in 2005 (summarized in 2007 here) comparing the foundational texts of ten major religions. She noted, for example, regarding the Koran:
Magaard concluded from her hard data-driven analyses:
Apropos to Dr. Magaard's findings, and to her plaintive warning, Geert Wilders' short documentary Fitna merely demonstrates how such Koranic verses -- based upon their orthodox, mainstream Islamic exegeses or interpretations -- are used by Muslim clerics and political leaders to incite Muslim populations to violence. It was beyond Orwellian to prosecute Wilders -- who simply held up a mirror to Islamic societies -- for being in any way responsible for the Koranic incitement and Muslim violence his documentary faithfully recorded, which he appropriately condemned. Nevertheless, as Dutch prosecutor Otto Van Der Bijl told CNN in January 2009, after a paltry total of nine persons filed complaints with the Court of Appeal, prosecutors drafted an indictment that charged Wilders with "incitement of hatred," based upon the contents of Fitna and Wilders' discussion of the film. Wilders' related comparison of the Koran to Mein Kampf was deemed "unacceptable," despite the fact that Winston Churchill had earlier equated the Koran with Mein Kampf, in a fully appropriate historical reference. Specifically, Winston Churchill (on p. 50 of From War to War, the first part of the first volume of his six-part Second World War), proclaimed Hitler's Mein Kampf to be "the new Koran of faith and war: turgid, verbose, shapeless, but pregnant with its message."
During a dinner in May 2010, Tom Schalken, one of the judges who gave the order to the Public Prosecutor's Office (OM) to prosecute Wilders, attempted to persuade Islamologist Professor Hans Jansen, an expert witness for Wilders' defense, that the Dutch MP was guilty. Jansen insisted:
Accordingly, a special chamber of the Amsterdam district court ruled that the ongoing case against Wilders had to be restarted with a different panel of judges. But even after these events, another "objective" jurist -- the president of the Netherlands Supreme Court himself -- made plain his own hideous bias by proclaiming that Wilders' defense of freedom of speech, let alone fair legal proceedings, somehow undermined Dutch "jurisprudence."
Despite the Kafkaesque twists and turns of the proceedings, Wilders was ultimately acquitted, as he pointed out in a June 24, 2011 Wall Street Journal op-ed, "after a legal ordeal that lasted almost two years." Bat Ye'or, appropriately emphasizing Wilders' personal heroism, characterized his acquittal as a "Copernican revolution," achieved by a solitary "unarmed man, constantly threatened by death and whose only defense was his courageous and unbending commitment to say the truth." Wilders subsequently provided this more guarded, sobering overall assessment:
Wilders Agonistes versus Sharia
Twenty years ago, upon his abrupt dismissal from the French Social Affairs Ministry, Jean-Claude Barreau denounced the uncritical treatment of Islam in Europe by both Muslim and European intellectuals. Shattering this rigidly enforced taboo, he exposed the blatant hypocrisy of the prevailing Eurabian mentality by noting:
Barreau admonished Islamic scholars and the Muslim intelligentsia to repudiate the totalitarian sharia -- specifically, its draconian "hadd" punishments: lethal penalties for "apostasy" and adultery -- the latter applied disproportionately to women -- and mutilating limb amputations for theft. The analyses of G.-H. Bousquet (d. 1978), a preeminent 20th-century scholar of Islamic Law, explain why Barreau's urgent admonition -- although it should have been heeded long ago -- continues to be ignored by mainstream, institutional Islam.
Bousquet, in his seminal L'Ethique sexuelle de l'Islam ("The Sexual Ethics of Islam"), highlighted the "doubly totalitarian" nature of Islam -- its eternal quest to impose a universal ruling order by jihad warfare and the permanently stunted "evolution" of that "order" -- i.e., Islamic Law, the sharia. Islam's sharia, Bousquet argued, is analogous to the undifferentiated cloaca (i.e., in zoological anatomy, the posterior orifice that serves as the joint opening for both the intestinal and urinary tracts of certain animal species), which accounts for it being a "casuistic hodegepodge." Bousquet saw the sharia's emergence as a retrogressive development -- compared to the evolution of clear distinctions between "ritual, the law, moral doctrine, good customs in society, etc." within Western European Christendom -- which was utterly incompatible with modern Western conceptions of universal, individual human rights.
Marked for Death demonstrates that Geert Wilders fully grasps Bousquet's elaboration of Islam's doubly totalitarian essence. Moreover, Wilders is inspired by great Western statesmen of the past two centuries who similarly possessed his unexpurgated knowledge of Islam and of the threat of jihadism. These political leaders include John Adams and Thomas Jefferson, who confronted North African jihad piracy in the late 18th and early 19th centuries; John Quincy Adams and Theodore Roosevelt, who recognized and denounced the mass-murdering Ottoman jihad depredations against indigenous, pre-Islamic Christian populations in the Balkans and Asia Minor during the 19th and early 20th centuries; Alexis de Tocqueville, who made a detailed study of the Koranic invocations for jihad war before serving as a diplomat in Algeria in the mid-19th century; and Winston Churchill, who as a young British officer fought the fanatical jihadist followers of the Sudanese Mahdi at the end of the 19th century.
Applying the timeless insights on Islam expressed by these astute, forthright Western statesmen to the present era, Wilders enumerates four actions required to protect our unique Western freedoms from Islamic encroachment and the imposition of sharia. The primary step, Wilders argues, should be a vigorous defense of freedom of speech, including the repeal of all hate speech laws deliberately tailored to silence reasoned criticism of Islam, while enacting a European equivalent to the U.S. First Amendment, to "allow the people to freely debate Islam just like any other public issue." Second, Wilders calls for the rejection of "all forms of cultural relativism," and the reaffirmation of the superiority of Western culture -- "based on Judeo-Christian and humanist values," relative to Islam -- to whom the West "owes nothing." He adds that we must also desist from the prevailing "political indoctrination of our children and proudly begin teaching them the real history of the West instead of multiculturalist lies designed to instill shame in our own heritage. We must also prepare the coming generation for the difficult times ahead by explaining Islam's true, bloody history."
The third and most comprehensive action Wilders describes is halting Western Islamization. Expanding upon his first two steps, Wilders insists that we must break taboos which obfuscate the dual realities of Islamic migration, or "hijra": its major, designed role as an instrument of Islamization, and the corollary, that across space and time, "more Islam has meant less freedom."
Specifically, he proposes a moratorium on all immigration from Islamic nations and vigorous efforts at integrating those Muslim immigrants whom the West has already welcomed by the millions. As the sine qua non of this integration process, Wilders demands that Muslim immigrants "assimilate to our societies, adapt to our values, and abide by our laws." Accordingly, Wilders vehemently opposes "the introduction of Sharia, or Islamic law, anywhere in our countries." He adds:
Wilders implores Western societies and their leaders to "stop pretending that Islam is merely a religion -- it is primarily a totalitarian ideology that aims to conquer the West. A free society should not grant freedom to those who want to destroy it."
He then argues for the closure of existing Islamic schools and radical mosques, the halting of new mosque construction, and the banning of face-covering burqas, the last because "it is our faces that give us our identity and our fundamental means of communication with others."
Wilders conjoins these domestic recommendations to a demand that the West confront intolerant Islamic regimes.
Wilders further admonishes Western and global non-Muslim solidarity against the worldwide depredations of jihad.
Finally, Wilders calls for a restoration of the Western nation-state ideal, the embodiment and safeguard of our democratic liberties and political freedoms. Collectively, this nation-state renaissance, Wilders asserts, must "preside over a new blossoming of the Western spirit."
During late 2010, an alarming comment by senior Dutch politician and former EU commissioner Frits Bolkestein was released publicly, excerpted from Manfred Gerstenfeld's study "The Decay: Jews in a Rudderless Netherlands." Acknowledging the virulent Islamic Jew-hatred of Moroccan (and Turkish) Muslim immigrants to the Netherlands, and the Dutch government's inability to combat this scourge, Bolkestein suggested that "recognizable Jews" advise their children to emigrate to Israel or the United States.
His reaction was consistent with Wilders' eminently reasonable views on the assimilation of Muslim immigrants.
Bolkestein's passive resignation to the effects of bigoted Islamic supremacism is contrasted sharply by Wilders' invocation of the rule of Western law to combat such violent Islamic hatred. As Wilders observed, defiantly, in reference to the attack on cartoonist Kurt Westergaard:
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