September 25, 2009
The Perestroika DeceptionBy John Griffing
The Cold War is over and Communism is a non-issue for most Americans. Communism is such a non-issue that Communist plans to undermine American society have proceeded for years virtually undetected and unhindered. Recent events have aided this process, with President Obama's aggressive drive toward Socialism fitting neatly into decades of Communist strategy.
That long and patient strategy of deception was developed in the halls of the KGB, and dutifully carried out by Communist subversives in the United States. Prominent KGB defector Anatoliy Golitsyn has called it the "perestroika deception."
According to KGB documents published by Golitsyn, "perestroika" and "glasnost" were always intended from the beginning to serve as a media ploy to deceive the West into lowering its defenses to the point where Soviet goals could proceed unchallenged. Of Golitsyn's 194 predictions, 139 had been fulfilled as of 1993.
Even former Soviet Premier Gorbachev, the eventual face of these policies, later acknowledged their true nature: "The decision to launch a new economic policy, which substantially widened the notions of socialism and the ways of building it, was imbued with profound revolutionary dialectics." Translation: world conquest will proceed as planned. The "revolutionary dialectic" is a tactic that has been employed throughout Soviet history. The word "glasnost" appears in Lenin's writings 46 times.
In his book, Perestroika: New Thinking for Our Country and the World, Gorbachev said outright, "Perestroika is closely connected with socialism as a system." Answering those asking, "Are we giving up socialism?" Gorbachev replied, "Every part of our program of perestroika...is fully based on the principles of more socialism...." Gorbachev has even been as blunt as calling perestroika a "continuation of the October Revolution."
The "perestroika deception" worked like a charm. American leaders were all too eager to pronounce the end of the Cold War. Then President George H.W. Bush declared, "We live in a time when we are witnessing the end of an idea -- the final chapter of the Communist experiment." President Bush went on to spearhead a guns-to-butter policy resulting from this "peace dividend," culminating in a massive diversion of military spending to social programs. From 1989-2004, military spending as a percent of GDP dropped from 6.2 percent to a scant 2.9 percent. Over the same period, entitlement spending went from 28 percent of federal outlays to nearly 40 percent.
US military cuts have been so drastic that former Secretary of Defense James Schlesinger has said, "The simple reality today is that we cannot fight two MRC's [Major Regional Contingencies] more or less simultaneously."
The consequences of this hasty disarmament have exposed America to attack and freed Russia to roam the world reclaiming the now "independent" Soviet republics. President Obama is even now continuing to play into Russia's hands by abandoning missile defense plans in Eastern Europe, leaving our allies exposed to Russian aggression.
The second facet of the "perestroika deception" has been to engineer a "peaceful transition to socialism" in the US by way of a manufactured economic crisis. Soviet manuals from the seventies outline this dimension in some detail. In 1974, Alexander Sobolev of the Moscow Institute of Marxism-Leninism developed the means by which a "peaceful revolutionary process" could take place. To do this, Sobolev stressed the need for a "nationwide political crisis" to be followed by "effective measures to neutralize wavering social strata." It was Lenin himself that said, "A revolution is simply impossible without an overall national crisis."
The aim was to co-opt well-meaning Democrats in Congress into advancing a "peaceful transition to socialism" in the wake of US economic collapse. Why the Democrats?
One reason is that the Democratic base is so closely aligned with the interests of big labor. If anyone doubts this claim, consider that President Obama virtually gave GM to unions with little outcry among Congressional Democrats, allotting unions an 89 percent stake in the company. Ditto for Chrysler, now 55 percent owned by unions. Since a big aim of Communist strategy is "unity of the working class movement," and since organized labor owns the Democratic Party, this conclusion seems only logical.
In 1987, Chairman of the Communist Party USA (CPUSA) Gus Hall said as much: "The U.S. trade union movement has taken the lead in the struggle against the reactionary policies of Reaganism.... We must not even inadvertently undermine... trade unions."
A second reason for the Communists' alignment with the Democratic Party is that the Communist Party still lacks a "mass-political organization" in the United States able to achieve their radical ends and the Democratic Party provides a springboard from which to instigate these policies.
Democrats may take offense at this assertion, but to do so they will have to counter the remarks of James Steele, Communist Party USA Legislative Director in the eighties. He said, "In the absence of a mass-based third party, it is possible and necessary for the people's movement to make use of the Democratic Party in the struggle for reforms...." He then went on to suggest that the progressive wing of the Democratic Party was growing in importance and would eventually drive the party, signaling hope for his plan. Even a cursory glance at the recent policies of the present Democratic leadership make Steele's declaration prophetic. Forget the term "progressive"; the Democratic Party has become the party of Lenin.
If the idea that the Communists could use an economic crisis to turn the United States into a Communist country sounds far-fetched, perhaps Gorbachev's recent remarks will serve to enlighten:
Will this new model be called Communism? Almost certainly not. But whatever it's called, the outcome for the US will be the same.
We may no longer be worried about nuclear attack or Russian troops marching on Washington, but the threat to our liberty has never been more real. There is still hope for America, but we need to see the truth clearly and take immediate action to reverse course. Let's stop playing by the enemy's rules.
 Anatoliy Golitsyn, The Perestroika Deception : Memoranda to the Central Intelligence Agency, (Edward Harle Ltd 2nd ed., 1998).
 Mark Riebling, Wedge-The Secret War between the FBI and the CIA, (Simon and Schuster, 2002), 407-8
 Mikhail Gorbachev, Perestroika: The Revolution Continues, 2 Nov. 1987, Northen Neighbors edition, p. 7.
 Mikhail Gorbachev, Perestroika: New Thinking for Our Country and the World, (Harper & Row, 1987), p. 36.
 Remarks by President George H.W. Bush, Coast Guard Academy Graduation, 24 May 1989, Office of the Whitehouse Press Secretary, p. 2.
 Guss Hall, Working Class USA: The Power and the Movement, (New York: International Publishers), 1987, pp. 171, 311.