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July 1, 2009 The Squandered Emancipation of Iranian WomenBy Andrew G. Bostom
Women's liberation is not a one-way street. Iran's women once before were freed from theocratic repression.
When Iran was returned in 1979 to its longstanding status as a Shi'ite theocracy, (i.e., from 1502 to 1925; interrupted by a period of Afghan invasion and internecine struggle, from 1722-1795), following its relatively brief flirtation with Westernization and secularization under Pahlavi rule from 1925 to 1979, one notable commemoration, Women's Emancipation Day, was abolished. The holiday's original date, January 7, commemorated the anniversary of the day in 1937 on which Reza Shah announced at a Girls' High School prize-giving that Iranian women would be forbidden to wear the chador, or veil. Later, the date was moved to February 27th, the anniversary of Muhammad Reza Shah's 1963 speech to the Iranian Senate, proclaiming that women's traditional Shi'ite Islamic legal disabilities would be removed, and most notably, that women would receive the right to vote. Nearly 20 years before Rezah Shah's 1937 announcement, in 1919, Sadiqeh Dolatabadi (d. 1962) published the first women's periodical in Isfahan called Zaban-e Zanan (The Women's Voice) which (unsurprisingly!) faced opposition from the local Mullahs. After ending the publication of Zaban-e Zanan in Isfahan, she went to Tehran and once again started publishing the periodical as a monthly magazine. Dolatabadi completed her education in Europe, receiving her B.A. from the Sorbonne University. In the spring of 1926 she represented the Iranian women in the International Alliance for Women's Suffrage.Returning to Iran in 1927, Dolatabadi started her cultural activities, and refused to wear a veil -- even as a government appointed supervisor within the Ministry of Education, before the enactment of the 1937 law. The impact of Dolatabadi's efforts were apparent by 1941. Despite the expected opposition of the irredentist Shia clergy, Sir Clarmont Skrine would record in his World War in Iran (London, 1962, p. 109), that the announcement of Reza Shah's abdication,
Reza Shah's abdication was marked by a revival of Shiite Iranian clerical influence which reached its apogee during the premiership of Muhammad Mosaddeq (1951-1953). Allied to the clerics, who were also against external "domination," Mossadeq's regime, was punctuated, as F.R.C. Bagley notes, by
Bagley goes on to summarize three primary reasons why most clerics view with "hostility...any sort of women's emancipation":
Following the restoration of Iran's own constitutional rule -- suspended by Muhammad Mossadeq -- Muhammad Reza Shah returned to his throne, and Mossadeq was replaced as Prime Minister. The Shah's subsequent "White Revolution," which emphasized women's suffrage, was in turn denounced by the Shi'ite clerical hierarchy who felt women's suffrage was "un-Islamic." And the retrograde 1979 Khomeini "revolution" has marked a brutal re-imposition of Islamic Law even worse than what the Iranian women of 1941 had feared, and characterized then as "a return to the medieval, mulla-ridden Persia they thought they had left behind for good and all." Despite the overwrought hyperbole of some "analysts", a very staid assessment by A. Savyon, Director MEMRI's Iranian Media Project, notes that the current protest movement's leaders, Mir Hossein Mousavi, Mehdi Karroubi and Mohammad Khatami, "...are not interested in a change of regime in Iran, and have never called to topple Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei." Furthermore, Savyon reports that Khatami and Rafsanjani, who have operated behind the scenes of the protests, "...have not managed to recruit the support of any senior ayatollah against Khamenei." He adds that Hashemi Rafsanjani, the second most powerful figure in the regime who heads two of its most important bodies (the Experts Assembly and Expediency Council),
Savyon concludes, "...the protest movement leaders never advocated a regime change in Iran; their campaign is part of a struggle between two streams within the regime." University of Connecticut Professor Kazem Kazerounian's expose on the faux "populist" leader and butcher of political prisoners (including students) former Prime Minister Mir Hossein Mousavi, includes this revealing observation about his wife, Zahra Rahnavard (the author of the "Beauty of Concealment and Concealment of Beauty"),
Diana West found an online English translation of Mrs. Mousavi's "opus" which extols women's oppression under the guise of treacly Islamic piety, while expressing virulent anti-Western xenophobia. Rahnavard opines the following:
These illuminating extracts make plain that Mrs. Mousavi's "vision"-like her husband's-will continue to deprive Iranian women of their liberation from Islam's oppressive, misogynistic strictures-which they had already attained under Pahlavi rule, beginning back on January 7, 1937, thanks to the courageous efforts of true reformers like Sadiqeh Dolatabadi.
Andrew G. Bostom is the author of The Legacy of Jihad (Prometheus, 2005) and The Legacy of Islamic Antisemitism. on "The Squandered Emancipation of Iranian Women"
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