November 20, 2005
The Legacy of Jihad in Historial Palestine (Part II)By Andrew G. Bostom
[The second of two parts. Part I of this article can be read here]
Violent jihad warfare on infidels is the norm, not the exception, in Islamic history. Once successful, jihad leads to the imposition of humiliating, degrading, violent, and expensive oppression under dhimmitude, the institutionalized imposition of lowly status upon those who refuse to abandon their faith and adopt Islam. Among the worst victims of jihad and dhimmitude have been the Jews and Christians who lived in historic Palestine. Part II of this article examines jihad and dhimmitude in historical Palestine in the pre—modern and modern eras
Although episodes of violent anarchy diminished during the period of Ottoman suzerainty (beginning in 1516—1517 C.E.), the degrading conditions of the indigenous Jews and Christians living under the Sharia's jurisdiction remained unchanged for centuries. For example, Samuel b. Ishaq Uceda, a major Kabbalist from Safed at the end of the 16th century, refers in his commentary on The Lamentations of Jeremiah, to the situation of the Jews in the Land of Israel (Palestine):
A century later Canon Antoine Morison, from Bar—le—Duc in France, while traveling in the Levant in 1698, observed that the Jews in Jerusalem are "there in misery and under the most cruel and shameful slavery", and although a large community, they suffered from extortion. 
Similar contemporary observations regarding the plight of both Palestinian Jews and Christians—subjected to the jizya [infidel tax], and other attendant forms of social, economic, and religious .. discrimination, often brutally imposed, were made by the Polish Jew, Gedaliah of Siemiatyce (d. 1716), who, braving numerous perils, came to Jerusalem in 1700. These appalling conditions, recorded in his book, Pray for the Peace of Jerusalem, forced him to return to Europe in order to raise funds for the Jews of Jerusalem.
These prevailing conditions for Jews did not improve in a consistent or substantive manner even after the mid 19th century treaties imposed by the European powers on the weakened Ottoman Empire included provisions for the Tanzimat reforms. First introduced in 1839, these reforms were designed to end the discriminatory laws of dhimmitude for both Jews and Christians, living under the Ottoman Shari'a. European consuls endeavored to maintain compliance with at least two cardinal principles central to any meaningful implementation of the reforms: respect for the life and property of non—Muslims; and the right for Christians and Jews to provide evidence in Islamic courts when a Muslim was a party. Unfortunately, these efforts to replace the concept of Muslim superiority over 'infidels', with the principle of equal rights, failed. 
Almost two decades later, two eyewitness accounts from Jerusalem, one written by the missionary Gregory Wortabet, (published in 1856), and the second by British Jerusalem Consul James Finn, (reported November 8—11, 1858) make clear that the deeply ingrained Islamic religious bigotry, discriminatory regulations, and treacherous conditions for non—Muslims in Palestine had not improved, despite a second iteration of Ottoman "reforms" in 1856. Wortabet's narrative depicts the common, prevailing attitudes of Muslim Jew hatred derived from a purely Islamic perspective. Indeed, Wortabet refers, quite plausibly to the hadith about Muhammad's poisoning by a Khaybar Jewess as a primary source of such animus. Finn's report highlights the legal discrimination and physical insecurity suffered by both Jews and Christians.
Tudor Parfitt's analysis concluded that these problems persisted through the close of the 19th century,
During World War I in Palestine, the embattled Young Turk government actually began deporting the Jews of Tel Aviv in the spring of 1917—an ominous parallel to the genocidal deportations of the Armenian dhimmi communities throughout Anatolia. A contemporary Reuters press release discussing the deportation stated that,
Ultimately, enforced abrogation of the laws and social practices of dhimmitude required the dismantling of the Ottoman Empire, which only occurred during the European Mandate period following World War I. Remarkably soon afterwards, however,( i.e., within two years of the abrogation of the Shari'a!) by 1920, Musa Kazem el—Husseini, former governor of Jaffa during the final years of Ottoman rule, and president of the Arab (primarily Muslim) Palestinian Congress, demanded restoration of the Shari'a in a letter to the British High Commissioner, Herbert Samuels:
A strong Arab Muslim irredentist current, which achieved pre—eminence after the 1929 riots, promulgated the forcible restoration of dhimmitude via jihad, culminating in the widespread violence of 1936—39. Two prominent Muslim personalities Sheikh Izz al—Din al—Qassam, and Hajj Amin el—Husseini, the former Mufti of Jerusalem, embodied this trend. And both these leaders relied upon the ideology of jihad, with its virulent anti—infidel (i.e., anti—Jewish, anti— Christian, and anti—Western) incitement, to garner popular support.
Al—Qassam called for the preservation of the country's Muslim—Arab character, exclusively, and urged an uncompromising and intensified struggle against the British Mandate and the Jewish National Home in Palestine. Palestine could be freed from the danger of Jewish domination, he believed, not by sporadic protests, demonstrations, or riots which were soon forgotten, but by an organized and methodical armed struggle. In his sermons he often quoted verses from the Qur'an referring to jihad, linking them with topical matters and his own political ideas. Al—Qassam and his devoted followers committed various acts of jihad terror targeting Jewish civilians in northern Palestine from 1931 through 1935. On November 20, 1935, al—Qassam was surrounded by British police in a cave near Jenin, and killed along with three of his henchmen.
In the immediate aftermath of his death,
Hajj Amin el—Husseini was appointed Mufti of Jerusalem by the British High Commissioner, in May 1921, a title he retained, following the Ottoman practice, for the remainder of his life. Throughout his public career, the Mufti relied upon traditional Qur'anic anti—Jewish motifs to arouse the Arab street. For example, during the incitement which led to the 1929 Arab revolt in Palestine, he called for combating and slaughtering "the Jews", not merely Zionists. In fact, most of the Jewish victims of the 1929 Arab revolt were Jews from the centuries old dhimmi communities (e.g., in Hebron), as opposed to recent settlers identified with the Zionist movement.
With the ascent of Nazi Germany in the 1930s and 1940s, the Mufti and his coterie intensified their anti—Semitic activities to secure support from Hitler's Germany (and later Bosnian Muslims, as well as the overall Arab Muslim world), for a jihad to annihilate the Jews of Palestine. Following his expulsion from Palestine by the British, the Mufti fomented a brutal anti—Jewish pogrom in Baghdad (1941), concurrent with his failed effort to install a pro—Nazi Iraqi government.
Escaping to Europe after this unsuccessful coup attempt, the Mufti spent the remainder of World War II in Germany and Italy. From this sanctuary, he provided active support for the Germans by recruiting Bosnian Muslims, in addition to Muslim minorities from the Caucasus, for dedicated Nazi SS units.  The Mufti's objectives for these recruits—and Muslims in general—were made explicit during his multiple wartime radio broadcasts from Berlin, heard throughout the Arab world: an international campaign of genocide against the Jews. For example, during his March 1, 1944 broadcast he stated:
Invoking the personal support of such prominent Nazis as Himmler and Eichmann,  the Mufti's relentless hectoring of German, Rumanian, and Hungarian government officials caused the cancellation of an estimated 480,000 exit visas which had been granted to Jews (80,000 from Rumania, and 400,000 from Hungary). As a result, these hapless individuals were deported to Nazi concentration camps in Poland.
A United Nations Assembly document presented in 1947 which contained the Mufti's June 28, 1943 letter to the Hungarian Foreign Minister requesting the deportation of Hungarian Jews to Poland, includes this stark, telling annotation: "As a Sequel to This Request 400,000 Jews Were Subsequently Killed". The Mufti escaped to the Middle East after the war to avoid capture and possible prosecution for war crimes.
The Mufti's legacy of virulent anti—Semitism continues to influence Arab policy toward Israel. Not surprisingly, Yasser Arafat, beginning at the age of 16, worked for the Mufti performing terrorist operations. Arafat always characterized the Mufti as his primary spiritual and political mentor.
Yasser Arafat orchestrated a relentless campaign of four decades of brutal jihad terrorism against the Jewish State,  beginning in the early 1960s, until his recent death, interspersed with a bloody jihad (during the mid 1970s and early 1980s) against the Christians of Lebanon.  Chameleon—like, Arafat adopted a thin veneer of so—called "secular radicalism", particularly during the late 1960s and 1970s. Sober analysis reveals, however, that shorn of these superficial secular trappings, Arafat's core ideology remained quintessentially Islamic, i.e., rooted in jihad, throughout his career as a terrorist leader. And even after the Oslo accords, within a week of signing the specific Gaza—Jericho agreements, Arafat issued a brazen pronouncement (at a meeting of South African Muslim leaders) reflecting his unchanged jihadist views:
During the final decade of his life, Arafat reiterated these sentiments on numerous occasions.'He also acted upon them, orchestrating an escalating campaign of jihad terrorism which culminated in the heinous orgy of Islamikaze violence  that lead to Israel's Operation Defensive Shield military operations in the West Bank two days after the Netanya Passover massacre on March 27,2002. Moreover, throughout Arafat's tenure as the major Palestinian Arab leader, his efforts to destroy Israel and replace it with an Arab Muslim sharia—based entity were integrated into the larger Islamic umma's jihad against the Jewish State, as declared repeatedly in official conference pronouncements from various clerical or political organizations of the Muslim (both Arab and non—Arab) nations, for over five decades. 
These excerpts from the recent 2003 Putrajaya Islamic Summit speech by former Malaysian Prime Minister Dr Mahathir Mohammad highlight the official, collective sentiments of Muslim leaders reiterated ad nauseum since the creation of Israel:
After more than thirteen centuries of almost uninterrupted jihad in historical Palestine, it is not surprising that the finalized constitution for the proposed Palestinian Arab state declares all aspects of Palestinian state law to be subservient to the Shari'a, while contemporary Palestinian Authority religious intelligentsia, openly support restoration of the oppressive system of dhimmitude within a Muslim dominated Israel, as well. 
An appropriate assessment of such anachronistic, discriminatory views was provided by the Catholic Archbishop of the Galilee, Butrus Al—Mu'alem, who, in a June 1999 statement dismissed the notion of modern dhimmis submitting to Muslims:
A strange notion for our modern times, certainly, but very real, ominous, and sobering.
Ibn Warraq's trenchant critique of Edward Said pointed out the bizarre evolution of this Christian agnostic into,
Moreover, as Warraq observed, despite Said's admission,
Warraq highlighted this tragic irony, just prior to Said's death, which even had Said lived, is unlikely to have ever been resolved. It is almost certain, for example, that Said would have reacted with hypocritical silence to the early September 2005 Palestinian Muslim pogrom against the small West Bank Christian village of Taiba.
Ibn Warraq has also noted how Said — the Literature Professor and literary critic, made a distressingly stupid error in Orientalism, (both in the 1979 and 1994 editions) confusing the words "eschatological" and "scatological".  A revealing, even pathognomonic error to this medically—trained observer.
In closing, let me move, mercifully, from the ridiculousness of Edward Said to the penetrating insights of Bat Ye'or. Noting the ceaseless calls for jihad in Palestine during modern times, from 1920 through the present era, Bat Ye'or observed, that jihad remained,
And she concluded,
Andrew G. Bostom, MD, MS is the author of the recently published, The Legacy of Jihad, This text was delivered as a lecture on Monday October 31, 2005 at a Conference on Post—Colonial Theory sponsored by Scholars for Peace in the Middle East
 Samuel b. Ishaq Uceda, Lehem dim'ah (The Bread of Tears) (Hebrew). Venice, 1606. [English translation in, Bat Ye'or, The Dhimmi: Jews and Christians Under Islam, Pp. 354.
 Bat Ye'or, Islam and Dhimmitude— Where Civilizations Collide. Cranbury, NJ.: Associated University Presses, 2001; p. 318.
 Gedaliah of Siemiatyce, Sha'alu Shelom Yerushalayim (Pray for the Peace of Jerusalem), (Hebrew), Berlin, 1716. [English translation in, Bat Ye'or, The Decline of Eastern Christianity Under Islam, Pp. 377—80.]
 Edouard Engelhardt, La Turquie et La Tanzimat, 2 Vols., 1882, Paris, Vol. p.111, Vol. 2 p. 171; English translation in, Bat Ye'or. Islam and Dhimmitude— Where Civilizations Collide, Fairleigh Dickinson University Press, 2001, pp. 431—432; Reports from Her Majesty's Consuls Relating to the Condition of the Christians in Turkey, 1867 volume, pp. 5,29. See also related other reports by various consuls and vice—consuls, in the 1860 vol., p.58; the 1867 vol, pp. 4,5,6,14,15; and the 1867 vol., part 2, p.3 [All cited in, Vahakn Dadrian. Chapter 2, 'The Clash Between Democratic Norms and Theocratic Dogmas', Warrant for Genocide, New Brunswick, New Jersey, Transaction Publishers, pp. 26—27, n. 4]; See also, extensive excerpts from these reports in, Bat Ye'or, The Decline of Eastern Christianity, pp. 409—433; and Roderick Davison. 'Turkish Attitudes Concerning Christian—Muslim Equality in the Nineteenth Century' American Historical Review, Vol. 59, pp. 848, 855, 859, 864.
 Gregory Wortabet, Syria and the Syrians. Vol. II, London, 1856, pp. 263—264; Consul James Finn, published in, Albert M. Hyamson. The British Consulate in Jerusalem (in relation to the Jews of Palestine) , Edward Goldstein Ltd., London, 1939, p. 261.
 Tudor Parfitt, The Jews of Palestine, 1800—1882, Suffolk, England, The Boydell Press, 1987, p. 168, 172—173.
 Yair Auron, The Banality of Indifference, New Brunswick, NJ, Transaction Publishers, 2000, p. 77.
 Musa Kazem el—Husseini, (President Palestinian Arab Congress), to High Commissioner for Palestine, December 10, 1920 (Translated January 2, 1921), Israel State Archives, R.G. 2, Box 10, File 244.
 Shai Lachman, 'Arab Rebellion and Terrorism in Palestine 1929—39: The Case of Sheikh Izz al—Din al—Qassam and His Movement', in Zionism and Arabism in Palestine and Israel, edited by Elie Kedourie and Sylvia G. Haim, Frank Cass, London, 1982, p. 72.
 Joseph B. Schechtman, The Mufti and The Fuehrer, New York, 1965; Zvi Elpeleg, The Grand Mufti Haj Amin Al—Hussaini, translated by David Harvey, Frank Cass, 1993; Yossef Bodansky, Islamic Antisemitism as a Political Instrument , Houston, 1999, p. 29.; Jennie Lebel, Hajj Amin ve Berlin (Hajj Amin and Berlin), Tel Aviv, 1996; Jan Wanner, in, 'Amin al—Husayni and Germany's Arab Policy in the Period 1939—1945', Archiv Orientalni Vol. 54, 1986, p. 244, observes,
 Joseph B. Schechtman, The Mufti and The Fuehrer, p. 151.
 Joseph B. Schechtman, The Mufti and The Fuehrer, pp. 152—63; Jan Wanner, in his 1986 analysis ('Amin al—Husayni and Germany's Arab Policy', p. 243.) of the Mufti's collaboration with Nazi Germany during World War II, concluded,
 Efraim Karsh, Arafat's War, New York, 2003.
 Walid Phares, Lebanese Christian Nationalism, Boulder, CO, 1995; Farid El—Khazen, The Breakdown of the State in Lebanon— 1967—1976, Cambridge, 2000.
 Efraim Karsh, Arafat's War, p. 117. A decade and one half earlier, upon Khomeini's ascension to power in Iran, Arafat immediately cabled the Ayatollah relaying these shared jihadist sentiments (February 13, 1979):
 Raphael Israeli, Islamikaze— Manifestations of Islamic Martyrology, Frank Cass, London, 2003.
 For example, From Cairo, 1968, The Fourth Conference of the Academy of Islamic Research, Sheikh Hassan Khalid, Mufti of the Republic of Lebanon, (excerpts from, Bat Ye'or, The Dhimmi: Jews and Christians Under Islam, Pp.391—94.)
From the Mecca Islamic Summit Conference, 1981:
 excerpts from, Bat Ye'or, Eurabia— The Euro—Arab Axis (Galleys), Cranbury, NJ.: Associated University Presses, 2005, Pp. 314—19.
 MEMRI 'Muslim—Christian Tensions in the Israeli—Arab Community'
 Ibn Warraq. 'Edward Said and the Saidists— Or, Third World Intellectual Terrorism', in Robert Spencer, editor, The Myth of Islamic Tolerance, Amherst, NY, Prometheus Books, 2004, p. 511.
 Ibn Warraq. 'Edward Said and the Saidists', p. 511.
 Ibn Warraq. 'Edward Said and the Saidists', p. 511.
 Ibn Warraq. 'Edward Said and the Saidists', p. 476. The original 1979 edition as well as the 1994 reissue edition of Orientalism each contain this howler, supporting the notion that the use of the word 'eschatological' instead of the appropriate 'scatological' was not a mere typographical error. Here is the relevant paragraph from p. 68 of both editions:
 Bat Ye'or. The Dhimmi—Jews and Christians Under Islam. Cranbury, New Jersey: Associated University Presses, 1985, p. 116.
 Bat Ye'or. The Dhimmi, pp. 122—123.