America , Jews and the Euro-Constitution

Europeans, on both the Left and Right, are virtually unanimous in the conviction that, of all the blunders the Yanks have committed, America's 'blind' support for democratic Israel is the worst. So what, then, are Jews and Americans to make of the recent French and Dutch rejection of the European Constitution? It was meant to solidify continental unification and bring about a new European superpower that would counterbalance the United States — Israel's only ally.  But the 191 page constitution failed, for a variety of reasons, to be ratified in two national referendums, thus killing the Euro—elites' dream of ending Washington's leadership of the West.

Is this good or bad? Well, here are some things to think about.

Gone now is the hope for a socialist European super—state which could counter America in such matters as the Palestinian—Israeli conflict. Remember the EU poll that found a large majority of Europeans believing Israel is the greatest threat to world peace? Now the Europeans won't have the ability of pooling that grassroots opinion under a centralized foreign ministry that would powerfully advocate such an outlandish view across the globe. Too bad for the European elite, who loathe Israel. Great news for Jewry.

Gone as well is the belief in the Franco—German axis as the motor for European unification. The French non vote is as much a rejection of President Chirac as it is a rebuff of 'Polish plumbers' invading the French job market via the open borders of the EU, a fear of many voters. France's 10.3% unemployment rate is barely below the 11.3% it was when Mr. Chirac took office as president ten years ago. The discontent produced by such dour economics prompts skepticism of almost whatever Chirac advocates these days, including the Euro—constitution. Combine this with the recent defeat of German Chancellor Schröder's party, the Social Democrats (SPD), in elections in North Rhine—Westphalia, the country's largest state, and you see the Franco—German engine burning out. The boss of the SPD, Franz Müntefering, led a mean—spirited anti—American campaign comparing US businesses to blood—sucking insects — with a written list of 'locusts' (his term) that named international financiers of mostly Jewish—American pedigree, to boot. But it wasn't enough, even in Germany.

These failing French and German politicians, along with the crumpling EU constitution, which they spear—headed, leave Europe now with the leadership of pro—American Tony Blair and the prospects of l'Europe anglaise.

Gone, then, is the electoral power of the two most vociferous European politicians who, throughout the Iraq controversy, cast the vicious anti—Semite Saddam Hussein as a victim of American arrogance, which in turn whipped up street marches that inexorably produced European peace protesters holding up signs equating Zionism with Nazism — even as synagogues were burning in France at rates unseen since World War II. 

Gone also is the argument that, unlike flag—waving America and Israel, enlightened France and the Netherlands are 'multilateralist' and 'tolerant.' What these non and nee votes make abundantly clear is that, when the pinch comes, Europeans will choose ethnic nationalism, as much as, if not more than, the next nation. Fear of an Islamic Turkey entering the EU and frustration at the inclusion of East European states, with inexpensive Muslim and Eastern European labor soon lawfully pouring in, proved more than the French and Dutch peoples could stomach. Empowering Brussels to anchor American hegemony is one thing; allowing it to invite Poles to clean the pipes of their bidets or Turks to wash their beer glasses is quite another. (Admittedly, a strange attitude to understand for Americans accustomed to living in an immigrant society).

Gone too is the persuasiveness of the case for European economic superiority. If the French abhor the EU constitution for fear it may introduce Anglo—Saxon liberalism into their welfare state, while the English cast a skeptical eye on the very same document because it may inject Continental socialism into their liberal state, then flood—high decade—long French and German unemployment only confuses things further.

A sober look at the continent reveals economic incoherence, not unity and confidence, and a standard of living that has fallen behind the United States by a third. European productivity per capita is now shoddier than 46 American states and roughly equivalent to Arkansas, with little prospect of improvement. Worse still, low birthrates augers doom for European welfare programs, which will be either unsustainable or dependent on huge influxes of immigrants, who may or may not share Europe's current socialist opinions. Pro—EU writer Timothy Garton Ash  recently admitted: 'The EU crisis can be read as evidence of a declining civilisation.'

Thus, for some, the EU 'superpower' increasingly appears the quixotic fantasy of intellectuals who thought merging such diverse economies and political philosophies was an achievable goal. Perhaps, as the utopian nature of the scheme begins to dawn on Europe, American businessmen (including Jews) will be understood not as invading insects but as enterprising individuals introducing needed capital and growth into stagnant European markets — ultimately helping Europeans themselves be more competitive against the real growing powers of hard—working India and China, both of whom, if Europe doesn't quickly change in a more free market direction, will eclipse what global influence Western Europe still possesses.

Here it is worth pausing to observe that the visceral anti—Americanism we witness on the Continent bears an uncanny resemblance to age—old European perceptions of the Jews. Before the annihilation of European Jewry, the Jew was hated and envied in no small part for his business acumen and success. In 1937 when Sacheverell Sitwell, a famous English art critic, visited the capital of Bukovina, now in the Ukraine, he noted that despite the city's ethnic mix of Poles, Germans, Armenians, Romanians, Swabians and more — 'There is not a shop that has not a Jewish name painted above its windows. The entire commerce of the place is in the hands of the Jews. Yiddish is spoken here more than German.'

Of course, the German in time found a way to tear down those 'Jew' shops and paint his own name above the windows. But resentment is part of the fabric of man. And, so, this time the complaint across the continent points at the purportedly uncultured American who, like the Jew of old, greedily fills his wallet at the expense of his hosts. Above the windows of flourishing shops are now the bright lights of confident American names — Starbucks, McDonald's, GAP, Hollywood — and that stings European pride, stoking shrill cries of superiority over those nasal—voiced Americans. As Canadian essayist Mark Steyn observed a few years ago,

'Resentment at US cultural imperialism is merely a supersized version of the charges leveled at 'tween—wars European Jewry: the anti—globalization crowd, droning on about interlopers interested only in profits and swamping local cultures, are singing a very old song.'

The EU constitution promised a New World. It would offer a curative to not just ancient European rivalries and historic pathologies, like romantic nationalism and anti—Semitic murder, but also to the pernicious influence of America within the international theater. Richer entitlements and shorter work—weeks; higher taxes and bigger government; pacifism and atheist—humanism; abandonment of Israel and faith in the UN — all this would teach the gauche American hyperpower how a more peaceful world is achieved. But, as usually happens, the imperfections of human nature and the unforeseen variables of fate were the final determinates. Europe's shrinking populations, unassimilated immigrants, high unemployment, low growth, fear of outsiders, Islamophobia and weak militaries all combined, in various ways, to subvert the dream of 'ever closer union' and its supposedly more humane model of governing the planet. In the end, not even anti—Americanism or Israel's 'threat to the world' could save the European constitution. And for those Jews who still believe in Israel and its impressively successful friend, the United States of America, this can only be satisfying news.              

Jonah Avriel Cohen just completed his PhD in comparative religion and philosophy at the University of London. He's lived in Europe for the last ten years.